• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-280
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• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.3
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• pp.43-50
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• 2001

This article is about a joint project carried out by the National Museum of Korea and the Tokyo Cultural Properties Research Institute for the conservation of central Asia Wall painting that has been selected for the exhibition at the new Seoul National Museum of Korea at Yongsan. The investigation of the wall painting revealed very useful information. This includes the condition of the object, and the identification of evident damage, such as cracks, loss of pigment, plus materials and methods employed during the object's creation, as well as previous conservation treatment. The object was mainly made by applying plaster to the body (wall) that consisted of a mixture of soils and rice straws. Then, on the surface of the wall-painting, pigments were used to draw and to colour it. As a part of the investigation, radiocarbon dating was conducted using straw samples taken from the object. The result indicates that the object is probably dated form between the end of the 10th Century and the beginning of the 13th Century. The result of X-ray diffraction also revealed the composition of the pigments used on the surface. These are 1. gypsom [Ca(SO₄)·2H₂O], CaSO₄ and Calcite (CaCO₃) and Calcite (CaCO₃) that were used for the white background. 2. Pb₃O₄ and led Arsenate [Pb(As₂O₆) that were used for the red colouring. 3. Cuprite (Cu₂O), Arsenolite (As₂O₃) and Arsenic Oxide (As₂O₄) that were used for the green colouring.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.61-69
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• 1992

Weed control in mid season of rice fields was systemized earlier in Korea than in Western Europe or China. The most representative method was pull out the weeds by hand followed by 'Seojibeob'(鋤地法 : method of hoeing) after draining. It was practiced 3 to 4 times to do extensively. Also, the purposes of transplanting arid direct seeding in rows were to manage weed problems effectively, which means that the development of cultural techniques is closely related to 'Seojibeob'(鋤地法). From the 17th century, techniques of deep plowing(because of principal : 'Simkyonginu'(深耨易耕 : Deep plowing make easy to hoe) and 'Hwanubeob'(火耨法 : derived from 'Hwakyong soonubeob) for effective weed management of waste lands were newly adopted and spreaded due to the situations ant that time. Thus, the practice of large-scale farming resulted from the adaptation of the techniques and methods described above. In the 18th to 19th century, the cultural methods, not much different from 'Seojibeob', were changed and the number of weeding was decreased. Especially, the techniques of dry seeding of rice were practiced by originating the ideal 'Seojibeob', in which water availability was improved in northern drought areas and also weed problems were easily managed. In addition, intensively large-scale farming showed weed management problems, so that 'Cheonilrok'(千一錄) by Woo Ha-young described the techniques of 'Banjongbeob'(反種法) or 'Hwanubeob' and in the end of the Chosun dynasty extensively large-scale farming was practiced by putting intensive and extensive techniques together. As the results, agricuitural productivity of Korea was increased 5 times by that time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.20-33
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• 2018

This study aims to illuminated landscape of Joseon Dynasty in the end of 19th century when Joseon dynasty began to modernize through the perspective of Westerners. Historical meaning to Western people's landscape records has been preceded. And landscape typology and their perception were analyzed. The results were as follows. First, the Westerners who visited Joseon dynasty at that time were involved in the historical and political situation of the Joseon Dynasty or understood their culture through traveling for so long. And record of Westerners is a significant data to analyze scenery at that time because common contents appear in various books. Second, the landscape of Joseon dynasty that appears in Western records was mainly recorded in small towns and villages, natural environments, scenic sites, historic sites, modern facilities, and cultivated areas. Small towns and villages are mainly mentioned with shabby alleys and dense houses. And natural landscape were identified to mountain landscapes and diverse geomorphological landscape that surrounding vegetation along the coast and rivers. The palaces, fortress and temples were recorded as main objects of scenic sites and historic site. And western-style buildings such as foreign legations and settlements, churches and schools were mentioned in the modernized facilities. A cultivated land was confirmed to be underdeveloped and neglected, but as range of view became wider, it was seen to a peaceful and prosperous rural landscape. Third, Westerners' landscape perception of Joseon dynasty at that time can be deduced from positive or negative perceptions. The residential environment was perceived as negative because it was unsanitary and backward. On the contrary, outstanding natural landscapes, scenic sites and historic sites, and upper class gardens were perceived as positive. For modernized landscapes, positive and negative perceptions were similarly mentioned. Positive perceptions were formed in improvement of civilized landscape, and appeared negative perception because damaged traditional landscapes and heterogeneity.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.36
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• pp.281-302
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• 2014

Human beings have advanced to release instinctive desire. Among the human desires, sexual desire is classed as a basic desire with appetite and has been expressed in many ways from prehistoric times to present. Despite the social and ethical restriction, expression of sexual image has been evolved with change of time and medium's development. Thanks to inventing the photograph technique, Change of pornographic image has showed a dramatic aspect since early 20th century. The video which delivers message more directly than the picture boosted this change, and the animation has experimented the expression methods and techniques numerously exceeding the limit of realistic image which reappeared by the device. In this thesis, I want to discuss how human beings express sexual desire in animation based on society's sex culture, and analyzed Japanese pornographic animation as its obvious cases. Japanese pornographic animation should be interpreted as the result of culture and society system's history. Through Heian, Edo and early Meiji period, Japanese sex culture has been kept very openly and preposterously. Transformation, metamorphosis, pedophilia, tentacle sex and exposure of specific body parts that are frequently appear in Japanese animation can be interpreted by ancient Japanese open sex culture like Wakashu, polygamy, sleeping in mixed sex group and pederasty. These Japanese odd sex culture is hard to find elsewhere and settled as intrinsic sexual expression in Japanese animation. This situation was institutionally severed by European Modernization's force at the end of World War II in 20th century. However, it seems they have been keeping their influence in a proper form until now. In this study, I discussed that pornographic animation should be interpreted in a frame of cultural phenomenon by researching the series of procedure that ancient Japanese open sex culture has been changed by the system. Sexuality which is found in general Japanese animation was started from their history, and the dichotomous expression about women can be understood that it is bent by institutionally regulated sexual opinion. Japanese history and culture can be understood that it is transformed to the dichotomy that are simultaneously according freedom of eroticism to the pornographic animation, and the fear and irresistible temptation about the woman's body as the other.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.113-134
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• 2004

According to Hans Kippenberg, the foundation of an academic study of religions coincided with the beginnings of modernization. Since the second half of the nineteenth century most European countries were involved in a process of rapid social change. The repercussions that this had for daily life were momentous. Instead of working for their traditional needs, people now had to produce goods for a market. Old customs ceded to private contracts and political laws. The superior knowledge of science replaced the inherited worldview. This deep changed severed societies from their ties to the past. Many educated people in Europe believed in an imminent end of all religions. Had not the scientific progress superseded the religious worldview? Historians had to come to terms with that expectation when they directed their attention to historical religions. Friedrich Max Muller introduced a new science, so-called Religionswissenschaft through the study of the ancient Vedic sources. He thought that genuine religion was a taste for, and sense of, the infinite. From his point of view, the Indian sources confirm that nature is more than mechanical laws. Thus his interpretation sought to contradict the materialist ideology of his day. Edward Burnett Tylor described religions as a kind of natural philosophy. His notion of 'soul' functioned to explain natural events. This legacy of the past cannot be missed even in modern society. Only the concept of the soul may preserve human dignity in an age of materialism. Gerardus van der Leeuw, also tried to perform the same function of the cultural critique for the renewal of the religious imagination in modern, rationalized Europe imprisoned in the iron-cage. In this respect, we could think that the interpretations of the history of the History of Religions in the light of the intellectual history are very suggestive for the korean student of religion. It helps them to describe the early history of the study of religion in Korea. For example, Yi Neung Wha(李能和) is regarded as 'a father of korean religious studies, but no one could present a proper answer for the question of why and through which connection of his intellectual milieu he was interested in the religious history and the study of religion. We would discover its signification in his confrontation of the prevailing social thought, such as social evolutionism.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.43-50
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• 2019

The medical book Yosandangsinjipeuibangkeumnangjibo (『樂山堂新集醫方錦囊至寶』, below as Yosandang, 『樂山堂』) is housed in the Handok museum of Medicine and Pharmacy. At the end of the Yosandang, written in manuscript, contains a rhymes of herbal medicine (藥性歌). The rhymes of herbal medicine is a record of song form about herbal medicine. Song-forms were widely used because they were easy to sing and memorize. In particular, there are many records of song forms in Korean medical books, which have been used in various fields such as herbal medicines, acupuncture points, and diagnosis. Although Yosandang is not a widely known medical book, it is meaningful in that it shows a cross section of late Joseon Korean medicine. So, this paper considers rhymes of herbal medicine in Yosandang. Yosandang is a medical book of the late Joseon period written by doctor Byun Gwangwon in 1806. This book consists of 6 books and 14 volumes, 13 of which are rhymes of herbal medicine. The rhymes of herbal medicine in Yosandang is 7 words-2 phrases form for the first time in Korea. This is almost 80 years earlier than the same form of Bangyakhabpyeon (『方藥合編』). The first part of rhymes of herbal medicine in Yosandang is considered to refer to the rhymes of herbal medicine in Jejungsinpyeon (『濟衆新編』), and the last part seems to be based on the contents of Donguibogam (『東醫寶鑑』). In other words, rhymes of herbal medicine in Yosandang could be considered as the result of trying to contain herbal medicine knowledge as a new 7 words-2 phrases form based on the Jejungsinpyeon (『濟衆新編』) and Donguibogam (『東醫寶鑑』). Unlike the previous rhymes of herbal medicine made during the compilation of medical books led by the late Joseon government, the rhymes of herbal medicine in Yosandang is a new type of rhymes created based on individual efforts in the early 19th century. It has a medicine historical significance in that it can show some aspects of Korean medicine in the late Joseon period.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.13
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• pp.35-71
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• 2012

The purpose of this essay is to examine the responses of artists on nuclear experiences through an analysis of the nuclear images represented in contemporary Japanese art. Japan has previously as twice experienced nuclear disaster in 20th century. The first atomic bombs were dropped in 1945 as well as the 5th Fukuryumaru, Japanese pelagic fishing boat, exposed by hydrogen bomb test operated by the US in 1954 nearby Bikini atoll. Due to Tsunami taken place by the great earthquake that caused the meltdown of Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant in March 2010, Japan is being experienced a nuclear disaster again. Despite practical experiences, comtemporary Japanese art has avoided the subject of nuclear disasters since the end of the Asia-Pacific War for a variety of reasons. Firstly, GHQ prohibited to record or depict the terrible effect of atomic bomb until 1946. Secondly, Japanese government has tried to sweep the affair under the carpet quite a while a fact of nuclear damage to their people. Because Japan has produced numerous war record paintings during the Second World War, in the aftermath of the defeated war, most of Japanese artists thought that dealing with politics, economics, and social subject was irrelevant to art as well as style of amateur in order to erase their melancholic memory on it. In addition, silence that was intended to inhibit victims of nuclear disasters from being provoked psychologically has continued the oblivion on nuclear disasters. For these reasons, to speak on nuclear bombs has been a kind of taboo in Japan. However, shortly after the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima, the artist couple Iri and Toshi Maruki visited to ruin site as a volunteer for Victim Relief. They portrayed the horrible scenes of the legacy of nuclear bomb since 1950 based on their observation. Under the condition of rapid economical growth in 1960s and 1970s, Japanese subculture such as comics, TV animations, plastic model, and games produced a variety of post apocalyptic images recalling the war between the USA and Japanese militarism, and battle simulation based on nuclear energy. While having grown up watching subculture emerged as Japan Neo-Pop in 1990s, New generation appreciate atomic images such as mushroom cloud which symbolizes atomic bomb of Hiroshima. Takashi Murakami and other Neo-Pop artists appropriate mushroom cloud image in their work. Murakami curated three exhibitions including and persists in superflat and infantilism as an evidence in order to analyze contemporary Japanese society. However, his concept, which is based on atomic bomb radiation exposure experience only claimed on damage and sacrifice, does not reflect Japan as the harmer. Japan has been constructing nuclear power plants since 1954 in the same year when the 5th Fukuryumaru has exposed until the meltdown of Fukushima Nuclear Plant although took place of nuclear radiation exposures of Three Mile and Chernobyl. Due to the exploding of Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant, Japan reconsiders the danger of nuclear disaster. In conclusion, the purpose of this paper may be found that the sense of victim which flowed in contemporary art is able to inquire into the response of artist on the subject of nuclear as well as the relationship between society, politics, culture, and modern history of Japan and international political situation.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.85-92
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• 2018

The purposes of this study are to analyze the spatial composition of the outer garden of Soswaewon that appears in Gyeong-Ji Yang's "30 Poems of Soswaewon" and examine its significance and symbols. These poems by Gyeong-Ji Yang are important historical records that portray the appearance of Soswaewon and the space outside it at the end of the 17th century. Unlike "48 Poems of Soswaewon" or "Soswaewondo," these poems arenot limited to Soswaewon and its surroundings; theyalso include areas from the village entrance upwardto the peak of the mountain behind the village. These poems can be divided into three main parts. Jiseok-ri and Changam-dong in poems 1 and 2 provide first impressions of the village in which the main Soswaewon garden is located, whereas poems 3 to 8 and poems 10 to 12 describe the space inside Soswaewon. Poems 13 to 30 depict the beautiful scenery around the outer garden of Soswaewon. In general, about 30% of the compilation in "30 Poems of Soswaewon" celebrates the inner Soswaewon, and the remaining 70% depicts the scenery around Soswaewon (i.e., views of the outer garden). It is presumed that Gyeong-Ji Yang employed this structure to achieve some type of order. Between the "48 Poems of Soswaewon" - also describing Soswaewon - and "Soswaewondo," which is a woodprint drawing of Soswaewon, "30 Poems of Soswaewon" offers the widest coverage of Soswaewon. Compared to "48 Poems of Soswaewon," which addresses the scene inside Soswaewon, new buildings such as the Jaeweoldang, Buhweondang, and Hancheonsa appear in "30 Poems of Soswaewon." Thus, the latter covers a much wider range. Chimgye Munbang - Gwangpunggak, Yangdandongo - Aeyangdang, Byeongseogjuggeun - Jajukchong, etc. are mentioned in both compilations. The use of a wide range of natural objects in these 30 poems, including mountains, birds, and the sky (instead of trees and flowers), shows that the author perceived Soswaewon as an area with a much higher and wider view than that of a typical living space. Moreover, natural regression ideologies, or seclusion ideologies, are evident.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.157-165
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• 2009

This study intends to discuss the efficient stage costume design that uses costume-rentals and production method as a realistic alternative for production of stage costume of low budget performance. Directly participating in the costume design and production of the performance , this researcher applied the methodology of corroborative study on the basis of production process and results by referring to the papers and literature published by academic society for the theory necessary for study. Centering around the western costume in the stage costumes of , the scope of study was the costume of Paris, France prevalent at the end of the 19th century which is epochal background of performance. In spite of its merit of reducing production charge and production in the low budget performance, costume-rentals is subject to the lack of considering unitγ with other visual factors and limit in reflecting the creativity of costume designer. The following actions shall be taken to solve such problem. First, it is essential to set production direction and plan that meets budget and work concept. Second, it is required to highlight the characteristic factor of the age which is the background of work so as to grant the sense of age and to produce the visual unity of costume by supplementing the costume composition. Third, it is necessary to make large effect with low lost by using costume articles that can express the characteristics of the age. Fourth, it is required to efficiently reflect the transformation of design by minimizing the damage of costume through research on the sewing method and materials as well as creative idea. In this way, the efficient stage costume could be realized in the performance with low budget by approaching costume-rentals in the viewpoint of costume design, transforming it in accordance with work concept and adding the visual factors.