• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.99-114
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• 2011

Namhansanseong fortress (南漢山城) is not Eupchi (邑治) created for ages but the new settlement of public and military administration as Baedo (陪都) to defend capital territory. Namhansanseong has Jinsan (鎭山) that is named Cheongnyangsan (淸凉山) and its government office building was located in the main place, also a periodic five-day market was being held in the center of fortress. This study is find out the transition and its historical background of government office building on Namhansanseong by the relocation of Eupchi in the 17th century. The conclusion of analysis can be summarized as follows; The main change of government office in the late Choson dynasty is to move Yi-a, administrative complex (貳衙) around Yeonmugwan (演武館). Since 1795, the 19th year of King Jeongjo (正祖), this was fixed by the end of the Choson dynasty on the unification of Magistrate which is also Defense Commander. In the second place, the military office on Jungyeong (中營) that is Junggun's (中軍) place of work was abolished by the reform of Junggun system. Thirdly, transition of the end of the Choson dynasty is the abolition of Sueoyeong (守禦營) and the realignment of government offices. Namely, the administrative agency was moved to Haenggung (行宮) after the collapse of unification in 1895. Also former military offices was changed to police administration on Gwangju-bu (廣州府), Gwangju county level unit.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.478-485
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• 2009

The purpose of this study was to investigate the Jorim of meat and poultry in Korean modern cookbooks. Jorim is a traditional Korean method of braising meat and poultry with soy sauce or gochujang. This study evaluated jorim in 10 books published in Korea from the end of 1800 to 1987 and to develop cooking models of beef jorim, pork jorim, and chicken jorim. The main ingredients in the jorim were beef, pork, chicken and pheasant. Other ingredients in the jorim included pine nuts, beef, eggs, radishes, bean sprouts, onions, bamboo shoots and pepper. In Sieuijeanseo, which was published at the end of the nineteenth century, the method called for braising meat directly in soy sauce. However, other modern cookbooks suggested boiling the meat prior to braising. Despite jorim being a popular sub-dish in Korea, there has been a decrease in the varieties available.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.105-117
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• 2016

The Silk Road named by Ferdinand von Richthofen was not designated as a specific route. A lot of East-West trade routes had already existed across the continent and the geographical scope and definition of the Silk Road is still expanding. In particular, the claim that the Eastern end of the Silk Road reaches Gyeongju is an example of this expansion. Burial treasures from tombs on the Korean Peninsula have already been identified as products from the Sassanian Dynasty of Persia, and various archaeological and epical evidences support this finding. However, the specific route where these exchanges were made, around the 6th-8th centuries, has yet to be identified. Maritime as well as inland routes can easily be hypothesized. The Silk Road was largely activated by the Yam postal system with the expansion of the Mongol Empire. It not only served as an effective pathway for the Yuan to rule over the Goryeo, but also connected the Eastern end of the Silk Road to Gyeongju. This can explain the situation since the 13th century. Therefore, this paper claims that the Yeokcham system had been operating on the Korean Peninsula since the Unified Silla Kingdom, the previous period of Goryeo, or perhaps even before then. The Yeokcham should thus be regarded as a prototype of the Mongolian Yam, and the Korean peninsula should be recognized as another route which contributed specifically to the development of the Silk Road, not just as a user or a beneficiary.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.143-155
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• 2013

This study examined the motif, weave structure, fabric density, and thread thickness of the patterned silks excavated from the Lady Lee's Tomb to trace the weave composition of the 18th Century in Korea. Different weave compositions were adopted depending on the weave structure. Two weave structures appeared in these patterned silks : simple gauze and satin damask. In the case of simple gauze Jergori, all the components, Gil(bodice), Somae(Sleeve) had similar fabric density and thread thickness. On the other hand, the satin damask Jergoris was composed of the components of different fabric density and thread thickness. According to the fabric density and thread thickness, the motif sharpness of damask Jergori was represented in three different ways : smooth and clear, rough and clear, and rough and vague. This revealed that Lady Lee selected not only pattern but also fabric density and thread thickness in the design of damask Jergori.

• Journal of the Korean Geotechnical Society
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.5-16
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• 2019

With the recent concentration of urban populations, the constructions of large structures are increasing, along with the development of foundations for large structures. PHC Piles have been used in many structures ever since Japanese introduced the technology at the end of the 20th century. Recently, many studies on the use of the PHC Pile have been carried out as earth retaining using the merits of PHC piles. In this study, static axial compression tests were conducted on the PHC-W piles constructed as column-type in building underground additional wall using the PHC-W earth retaining wall. The end bearing capacity of pile was calculated using the axial load transfer measurement that was obtained from the static axial compression test result. Since end bearing capacity of the PHC-W pile embedded in weathered rock showed a different behaviour from the conventional PHC pile, the calculation method of end bearing capacity for column-type PHC-W piles would be proposed. The unit ultimate end bearing equation proposed for single and group PHC-W pile embedded in weathered rock is $q_b=13.3N_b$ and $q_b=6.8N_b$.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.915-929
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• 2000

As a result of research, the character of the general dress-costumes from the late 17th century to the early 18th century in Genre Paintings of DuSeo Yun and YoungSeok Cho is as follows. Firstly young women wore braided hair at the back of head and married women wore hair in the style of Unjeun-mori with Gache. The length of Jeogori (Korean traditional jacket) covered waistor shortened to waist length. The width of Jeongori was suitable, because side-seam line was straight or oblique as it comes into inner line. The width of Git was enough and Mokpan-git (shape of board) and Kal-kit (shape of knife) appeared, and sometimes used other color fabric. Sleeve was narrow and ostly folded up. Chima (Korean traditional skirt) used darker color fabric than Jeogori and the width of Chima was narrow and its length was short. Sokbaji (Korean traditional underpants) shown below were narrow and its end narrower. They were barefoot or they wore Hye (Korean traditional shoes) after putting on Beoseon (Korean traditional socks). Secondly general man's hair tie a topknot (sangtu) and put on headdres, 'Bang-lip', 'Mang-geon', hairband, 'Tang-geon' on head. The length of Jeogori became shorter from the line which covered hip to the line which covered waist. The width of Jeogori was suitable and sometimes it had a slit of side-seam line. The width of Git (neckand) was wide and the length of Git was long. 'Kal-git'appeared and it used other color fabric. The shape of sleeve was straight and narrow. They folded up their sleeves. They folded up their sleeves. They folded up their slack that look like 'Jam-bang-i'and the width of slacks was not suitable, and it was narrow. Baji (Korean traditional pants) were with or without knot, worn 'Hangjeon'(ankle band). They were barefoot and wore 'Hye'or 'Jipsin'(Korean traditional straw shoes). Thirdly a person of high birth or a low-ranked official put 'Yu-geon', 'Mang-geon', 'Gat', 'Tang-geon', 'Bok-du', 'Bok-geon', 'Whi-hang'on their head on a topknot. They wore 'Po (Shim-ui, Jick-ryeong'Jung-chi-mak, Do-po, etc)'on Baji and Jeogori. 'Po'was long and wide, it knot with 'Se-jo-dae'(string belt) or 'Po-baek-dae'(band belt). It had a slit of sideline and 'Mu'which had or had not or which were hard to confirm. The shape of sleeve was straight or very wide and its length was long. The width of Baji was wide and knotted with 'Hangjeon'and wore'Beoseon'and 'Hye'. Fourthly child's hair was short or knotted to the back of the head. The length of Jeogori reached waist line and its width was wide. It had a 'Jeogori'which had s slit of sideline. The shape of sleeve was 'Tong-su'(straight), and the length of sleeve was diverse. They put 'Baeja'on 'Jeogori'. The width of Baji was not wide. They wore them straight without or with knot, 'Hangjeon'. They were barefoot or put on 'Jipsin'.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.447-470
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine how the cultural aspects of the publication of literary collections have been changed from its time throughout the entire Joseon Dynasty. At the royal court in the early Joseon Dynasty, the need for publication of the literary collections has consistently arisen to preserve writings of the noted sages, and the Joseon government was also taking the lead and promoting the publication of the literary collections. From the 16th to the early 18th century, the publication was intensively made at the local governments led by local governors. From the 17th to the early to middle of the 18th century, the finances of local governments were limited with the changed taxation system, and there had been a dramatic decrease in the number of literary publication projects. On the other hand, with the sudden increase of the number of Seowons during the reign of King Sukjong, the focus of the literary publication was moved to Seowon from the 18th to the 19th century. After the enforcement of the Seowon Abolition Decree, the collections were still published at Seowons, however from the end of 19th century, the publication of literary collections had been explosively made by aristocrats who did not belong to the institution of Seowon or could not receive Seowon's support, which spreaded over the entire Yangban culture.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.6
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• pp.117-138
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• 2010

This study tries to analyse the type of sasanian crowns by looking into the icons and meanings of various motifs that changed the archetype and shape of the crowns, and the social and political factors that affected those motifs. Based on such analysis, the study is aimed at completing the periodic typology of the sasanian crown. For this study the literature research is combined with the empirical analysis of information. Korymbos which symbolizes globe represented the authority and power of the sasanian kings, but the motif with such meaning was replaced by star motif in the late-sasanian crowns. The basic motifs embellishing the sasanian crown represent Gods, which is interpreted as an attempt to symbolize the relations between Gods and kings. These motifs are found on each king's crown in a different and individual way, which seems because the kings at the time chose the motif that can symbolize their own political intention or spirit. At the early days of the sasanian dynasty, Korymbos motif was highly emphasized on the crowns, and was used throughout the end of the dynasty and then was replaced by star motif. From the mid-4th century, Crescent motif started to be used, which was always shown as the shape supporting Korymbos and star motif on it. Bird wing motif was intermittently used in the early and middle days of the dynasty, and was highly emphasized in the crowns of all the kings in the end of the dynasty. Star motif started to be used in the end of sasanian dynasty.

• The Journal of the Korean life insurance medical association
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.37-38
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• 2008

The concept of Chiari malformations emerged toward the end of $19^{th}$ century from Chiari's initial descriptions of "alterations in the cerebellum resulting from cerebral hydrocephalus." In 1891, Hans Chiari(1851-1916) suggested cerebellar ectopia in which he classified Type I as "elongation of the tonsils and medial parts of the inferior lobes of the cerebellum into cone-shaped projections, which accompany the medulla oblongata into the spinal canal. The incidence of Chiari malformation has been found to be between 0.56% and 0.77% on MR imaging studies, as well as 0.62% in brain dissection studies. the definition of the adult Chiari malformation has varied with the evolution of neurodiagnositic capabilities and knowledge of physiopathology. This disorder can be associated with significant symptomatology, risk of secondary injury due to trauma, and the risk of progression and damage of the spinal cord due to associated Syringomyelia. Syringomyelia is found in 50 to 70% of Chiari I malformation. It is the clinical judgment of the physicians evaluating this disorder that is of the importance to avoid the therapeutic extremes of pursuing unnecessary surgery or withholding necessary treatment from patients.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2001

According to the many ancient literatures, it is said to be that Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in unification Silla had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries, but unfortunately there is no definite records about this. Therefore in this study the writer would like to presume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in a unification Silla. For the purpose of this study the writer would like to study the reference books and materials regarding to the sea routes of prehistoric age and ancient three countries of Kingdoms and unification Silla. Especially the writer consider “The Work of Routes and Kingdoms” of Ibn Khurdarhbih regarding to the ancient sea routes of Korea, China, Arab-Islam Countries, and also the writer consider the ancient sea routes of Tang Dynasty in China and Ryukyu Kingdom in Japan. About this methodology of this study, the writer believe that the sea routes of today is the results of ancient sea routes, and this ancient sea routes could not be changed forever except special circumstance. According in this study the writer would like to persume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo using like this methodologies. This presumption of the writer is originated on the basis of The Work of Routes and Kingdoms written by ancient Arabian Geographer, Ibn Khurdadhbih in the early years of 9th century. The Work of Routes and Kingdoms is geography, and the principal contents of this geography are the activities of Arab-Islam merchants and Chinese Merchants between Arab-Islam countries and China from 9th century to 11th century by ancient sea routes. But surprisingly in this geography, Silla was marked, and another ancient Arabian geogrpher, Al-Biruni marked Silla on his map, Qanun Al-mas'udi in the 9th century, and also another ancient Arabian geographer, Al-Idrisi marked Silla on his map in the 11th century. Especially Al-Biruni expressed the longitude and latitude of Silla on his map, he expressed Silla as following. “at the extreme end of China toward the East and few people travelled to it by sea”. Therefore the writer would like to presume that Arab-Islam merchants had traded with unification Silla in the 9th century, and also Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries using above ancient sea routes in the 9th century.