Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.41
no.4
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pp.85-101
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2013
The primary goal of this research is to link two currently disconnected literature; the history of urban redevelopment and the one of urban parks and open spaces in the United States (US). Through this exercise, this study attempts to reveal examples of urban parks and open spaces that have yielded economic effects, and emphasize their possibility as a measure of urban redevelopment. Five phases are presented, starting with two Pre-World War II urbanization periods, and three subsequent periods of Post-World War II urban redevelopment (1940s~1960s, late 1960s~1970s, 1980s~present). While urban parks in the 19th century urbanization period held a preeminent place in urban design, policy and economy, ensuing depression and World War II diminished their role as a channel to ease unemployment. In the first phase of urban redevelopment, the economic motive to build open space was to boost the appeal of specific locales in order to draw people and businesses back to a neglected city. In the second phase, public effort to create and maintain urban parks and open spaces declined due to the budget austerity, instead, community open spaces flourished through the voluntary actions and helped neighborhoods to regain desirability. In the third phase, the aspirations and functions of such projects resemble their forerunners of the first phase, but their targets extended to global businesses and elites.
Bays and caps represent the physical characteristics of Naepo area in Korea. And reclamation of tidal land presents a clue toward the understanding of regional identities and landscape changes in this area. Reclamation of tidal land in the Garorim bay that is representative of the physical geographies of Naepo area had trended toward 'the diffusion of salt ponds' during Joseon dynasty. Hereafter the Japanese imperialism, the reclamation had tumed to 'the reclamation of arable lands' by drainage. But, at the same time the land use of salt pond that had been the most appropriate strategy of adaptation for the ecological environments of this area has showed a sort of the geographical long-term durability. And the great landlords that had emerged during Japanese imperialism were the Yeom-han(鹽漢, laborers who engaged in salt production) in former times. They as a new local elites have played a leading role in the reclamation of tidal land and the making of regional landscape.
Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.49
no.5
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pp.27-45
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2021
The purpose of this study is to trace the path of policy for urban parks and greenbelts (PUPG) pursued by Seoul Mayor Kim Hyeon-ok, who was a protagonist of Seoul's modernization and to reveal the policy's characteristics. A high modernism perspective was projected to advance his PUPG discussion. High modernism was an unavoidable phenomenon that appeared in post-war urban reconstruction projects and emerged in the form of a belief that the national elite creates the ideal social order and rational planning. Its characteristics were to build with legibility, immediacy, and convenience by power, with private participation and profit creation, while realizing the spectacle of "the city being built". As a high-modernist, Seoul Mayor Kim Hyun-ok's urban planning aimed to deal with the booming population and the expansion of Seoul's territory. Although his PUPG extended the parks to the outskirts of Seoul, he showed a dualistic attitude, diverting parks away from the city center. On the other hand, he induced the participation of the private sector to create parks. However, he showed the other side of modernization, eliminating the placeness and excluding related systems. The path taken by Mayor Kim Hyun-ok's PUPG was started to respond to population growth and resolve the encroachment of parks. The ultimate goal was to accept the realization of urban planning and experiment with non-financial methods. The characteristics of his PUPG reflecting high modernism were: First, elites were represented in the National Land Planning Association, HURPI, and Jang Moon-gi participated; second, legibility was ensured by using east-west and north-south axes, elevation standards, and rational planning. Third, parks were quickly released to respond to the rapid urban change. Fourth, it showed off events and spectacles to attract private capital.
Storage facility of the pre-historic Korea is classified into the subterranean, ground and overground types. The rectangular-shaped subterranean Storage facilities have been identified in the Pungnaptoseong, the Gong mountain fortress site and the Gwanbukri site. Feature no. 196 at Gyeongdang District in Pungnaptoseong yielded a large quantity of glazed potteries, and a wooden storage at the Gwanbukri site contained a large amount of fruit seeds. These storage facilities might be functioned as the warehouse for the highest group rather than the storage for the emergency such as war and flooding and stipend of government officials. This article subdivided into "state storage" on the concept of the former that "royal storage" on the concept of the latter. If it look on the state storage at large, this include the royal storage too. But it subdivided to help article understand because Baekjae changed from state storage to royal storage by change and specialization of system after 4th. The reason why the diversification of storage pits was closely related to the unification of local polities and the concentration of political power in the state-level. Therefore, it might reflect the political circumstances the ruling elites attempted to heighten their authority in terms of the organizing tax collecting system. And divided the time of storage is confirmed separative storage pits in the suburbs of capital city. There is hight probability of top local polities or nation that have possessional a role. This is to cover on frequent war in the Three States. On the other hand, state storage is located around ancent road that linked castle gate that is divided into center and periphery depending on function and position of storage. Center is located royal storage focusing in the presumed royal palace that periphery is located state storage to provide service to the public. It is presumed that located with the government office.
We were already thrown into the modern by the Japanese before reflecting the relevance of modernization and acceptance, and the value of the modern was postponed. The late period of Chosun, people sank into a state of torpor and traditional culture and ideology has caused people to have a negative perception of modern times.Modern times, however, are defined in the relative concept of tradition and modernity in the history of modern times. In order to understand the modern era and its origin, it is necessary to look squarely at the face of modernity. Failure of modern times is a failure of traditional succession.So, if we analyze the causes of the failure of the traditional heritage, why can't we see some of the reasons why we perceive it as a failure? In this thesis, it seeks to understand the diverse views of the traditional elites of the journal and the newspaper, which are published in the traditional education of the journal, and are looking at a variety of views. Moreover, we should seek to explore the traditional elements of the new tradition by discussing the aspects of the educational problems caused by the cause of the accidental break and the educational problems caused by its results.
The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of bicarbonate intake on blood variables during high-intensity training of sprinters. 30 male/female elites with more than 3 years of experience that are registered to S city as a sprinter was categorized into three groups: control group, training group, and HCO3- and training group. Training group and HCO3- and training group went through a high-intensity exercise program (80-90% HR max) which escalated every 2-3 weeks, for 90 minutes at a time, 5 days a week, 8 weeks in total. HCO3- and Training group took in 300mg of bicarbonate per one kilogram of body weight, in 90 minutes before the start of the high-intensity exercise program, once a day for 8 weeks. As a result of the study, the effect of bicarbonate intake on blood variables during high-intensity training of sprinters showed a positive effect on the increase of pH and the decrease of lactic acid in HCO3- and training group. Also, the increase of Ca2+, Na+, K+ was shown in training group and HCO3- and training group, whereas there were no indications of significant change in Mg2+ in all three groups. It can be confirmed that the intake of bicarbonate during high-intensity training shows effective changes in the increase of pH and the decrease in lactic acid among changes in blood variables. Therefore, it can be seen that the intake of bicarbonate during high-intensity exercise is effective in improving exercise capacity.
From the field survey of the main ethnic minority areas in the south China, it is found that political, economic, cultural and natural environmental changes are the main reasons leading to the change of customary law. The power mechanism of the customary law change include the three aspects, such as the promotion of country elite, the dominance of grassroots government, and the daily demands of the villagers, which promote the change of customary law alone or together. Through the application of customary law, the country elites can adjust and refine the rules of customary law in order to make out the new customary law and promote its development. In the current pattern of rural governance, grassroots self-government is actually the "official supervision of people's autonomy". The executive power of the grassroots government often intervene the practice of customary law and other informal rules. This is another mechanism of customary law change. Customary law arises from the practice of the daily life of the villagers. If the villagers think that the norms of customary law cannot meet the actual needs of daily life practice, the customary law will be promoted in the form of collective consultation. This is the most important dynamic practice mechanism of customary law change. Transformation and abandonment are the two ways to change customary law. No matter what kind of change does not lead to the demise of the customary law system, the demise of the customary law is only an outdated result, which is made by the universality, nature and objectivity of customary law. The procedure of customary law change is the process of continuation and rebirth about customary law. The result of the change is to produce the new customary law of keeping pace with the times, and the customary law will be presented with new content and form after the change. The continuation of customary law means the inheritance of traditional customary law, but it is based on the transformation of traditional customary law. The rebirth of customary law means that the traditional customary law is completely discarded. But it will produce new customary law rules and be based on the needs of social life practice. Customary law occupies a pivotal position in the normative system and the national law cannot be replaced. The purpose of customary law change will let the customary rules better adapt to the development of modern society, adjust the social relations more reasonably and better meet people's needs of production and life, which is decided by the character of customary law.
Around the middle of the ninth century the strict bone-rank system of Silla frustrated many people who had political ambition but lacked nobility. They had to seek other ways, including maritime trade. Such an undertaking reflected and also increased their economic and military power. Trade prospered with T'ang China and with Japan as well. The threat of piracy to Silla's thriving maritime trade caused to create a succession of garrisons at important coastal points. Chonghae Jin (Chonghae garrison) was regarded as the most important of these. It was established in 828 by Chang Pogo. Chonghae Jin was on Wando, an island just east of the southwestern tip of Korea and a key place at this time in the trade between China, Korea, and Japan. From this vantage point Chang Pogo became a merchant-prince with extensive holdings and commercial interests in China and with trade contacts with Japan. Although piracy was rampant in East Asia at that time, either the Chinese or Silla government was not able to control it due to inner political strife and lack of policing resources. Infuriated by the piracy and the government's inability to control it, Chang Pogo came back to Silla to fight against the pirates and to protect maritime trade. He persuaded the king of Silla and was permitted to control the private armed forces to sweep away the pirates. In 829 he was appointed Commissioner of Chonghae-Jin with the mission of curbing piracy in that region. Chang's forces were created to protect people from pirates, but also developed into traders among Silla Korea, T'ang China, and Japan in the 9th century. This was geographically possible because the Chonghae Garrison was situated at the midpoint of Korea, China, and Japan, and also because Chang's naval forces actually dominated the East Asia Sea while patrolling sea-lanes. Based on these advantages, Chang Pogo made a great fortune, which might be collected from a charge for protecting people from pirates and the trades with China and Japan. Chang's forces could be termed the first private security company in the Korean history, at least in terms of historical documents. Based on historical documents, the numbers of private soldiers might be estimated to exceed tens of thousands at least, since Chang's forces alone were recorded to be more than ten thousand. Because local powers and aristocratic elites were said to have thousands of armed forces respectively, the extent of private forces was assumed to be vast, although they were available only to the privileged class. In short, the domination of Chang's forces was attributable to the decline of central government and its losing control over local powers. In addition it was not possible without advanced technologies in shipbuilding and navigation.
This paper aims to explore the nature of the making of speaking subject in early Korean Protestantism, focusing on the educational spaces for women. Traditional women could become a speaking subject through various educational programs provided by Protestantism in modern Korea. Especially three kinds of educational space played the crucial role of making women a speaking subject. The first was Bible class established for women in rural areas. Since most Korean women were unable to read and write, Protestant churches taught them Hangul[Korean alphabet] before teaching the Bible. Korean women studied the Bible in Bible class, Women's Bible School, and Women's High Bible School. Through this education, traditional women were liberated from the world of ignorance and obedience, and then become a speaking subject. The second was speeches and discussions that have emerged in institutional spaces such as mission schools for girls and women's organizations. Students at mission school were able to learn how to express their opinions by way of public speaking and discussion classes. Women were able to become speaking subjects in the process of learning such techniques of modern language. At that time, representative discussion spaces were Lee Mun-hoe, Joyce Chapter, and YWCA. The third was testimony and dialect. Unlike sermons and public prayers, which were only allowed to male elites, testimony and dialectics are a form of speech that transcends gender or status constraints. Especially in the space of the revival movement, women confirmed their dignity through active testimony, and their religious identity was strengthened in the process. Dialect also served as the language of liberation for women suffered and alienated from male-dominant culture. Dialect is a device that exercises the right to speak against transcendental authority. Furthermore, in Protestantism of early modern Korea, the speaking subject's act of speech was elevated beyond personal matters to social issues, women's issues, and ethnic issues.
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