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A Study on the Wang-bing's Comprehension of No-Ja(老子) in Hwangje-Naegyeongsomunju(黃帝內經素問注) (왕빙의 "노자(老子)"이해에 관한 고찰(考察);"황제내경소문주(黃帝內經素問注)"를 바탕으로)

  • Kim, Do-Hoon
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.86-100
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    • 2006
  • For the purpose of understanding Wang-bing's idea, which was influenced by Taoism and Hyeonhak(玄學), I investigated the quotations from the No-Ja in the Hwangje-Naegyeongsonumju, and came to the following conclusions. 1. In the process of writing notes on the Hwangje-Naegyeongsomun, Wang-bing quoted No-Ja 19 times at 17 passages. Through this annotating process, he suggested the vision of the universe and the vision of the formation of all things. And he emphasized that abstaining from desire and satisfaction are essential for one's well being. In other words, he insisted on following the rules of EumYang(陰陽) and Fourseasons, to preserve Cheonjin(天眞). 2. Wang-bing wanted to establish a systematic medical theory by revising the Hwangje-Naegyeongs omun. In the front part, where he mentioned contents of jeonwongibon, he tried tosearch a way of well being, through taking care of one's health. And there his Taoistic idea becomes obvious. 3. The Hwangje-Naegyeongsomun was written under the influence of Hwangno(黃老) idea - the series of Taoism of Chunchu-Jeonguk(春秋戰國) era. Likewise Wang-bing's revision on the Hwangje-Naegye ongsomun was based on the Taoism of Dang dynasty, which succeeded to the WiJinHyeonhak(魏晉玄學). This shows a series of relationship. 4. It is no wonder that Wang-bing used quotation from scriptures of Taoism in his annotating work on the Hwangie-Naegyeongsomun, The fact that this quotations are mainly mentioned in the front part, also shows that he emphasized the theme of well being, by intention.

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A Study on the Original Form and Architectural Elements in the Palace of Yu, Jin gyeong's Hanok (유진경 가옥(현 북촌문화센터)의 원형과 궁궐요소 차용)

  • Park, Sang-Wook
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.23 no.5
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    • pp.7-22
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    • 2014
  • It is identified that an initial person who built of 'Seoul Gyedong Modernized Hanok(former Min Hyeong-gi house)' used as 'Bukchon Culture Center' in present, was not Min Hyeong-gi, but his wife, Yu Jin-gyeong, and she built it when 8 years went on after his death(1879~1973), and the construction year was at the gate of Chuseok in 1921. Yu Jin-gyeong was Head Family's Eldest Daughter-in-law in family of Yeo Heung-min who was an influential person at the late Joseon Dynasty and was widow who had only son for 3 generations. And she built this house and moved to gain daughter and live futher grandchilds together in law in new nest. It is arranged that an annex surrounds with main building as the central figure. And this house emulates Yeonkeong-dang in backyard of the Changdeok Palace for 'preservation of main building' and Chim-bang-ga-toe applied on a bedroom in a palace is applied around nobleman family's the main room. It is rare case and expresses that a palace factor is borrowed. Yu Jin-gyeong's house is that a tradition Hanok is adjusted closely in city and central and basing mode as 'protective bedding' and building concept as 'a noble and protective architecture' is realized. So it has a character that development of Hangrang architecture is appeared and Head Family's Eldest Daughter-in-law widow of modern upper class had a special benefit. As well as, a meaning that it is experimental house based on tradition and is build of Hanok with housekeeping as the central figure for appear a form which has minimal Hangrang for housekeeping in yangban family of modern city, can be found.

Fusion Factor Analysis of Seal Wandangyego Engraved by Oh Gyuil (오규일이 새긴 인장 완당예고의 융합 요소 분석)

  • Choi, Joon-Ho
    • Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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    • v.9 no.11
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    • pp.110-117
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    • 2019
  • This study attempted to publicize the excellence of art of seal engraving in the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the fusion factors of seal 'Wandangyego' which Oh Gyuil engraved. The appearance of Wandangyego was compared with other seals. The calligraphy philosophy in Wandangyego, the composition of inmun Wan-Dang-Ye-Go, and Oh Gyuil's method of holding graver were analyzed. As a result, Wandangyego was the world's largest rectangular seal and contained the writing philosophy of his teacher Kim Junghee. Oh Gyuil was a seal engraving artist and expert in the manufacture of seal handles. He used 'chungdo' and 'jeoldo' appropriately, and stimulated the deliberate emotion of oriental art with layout applied with exquisite oriental golden ratio. The importance of the real seal was suggested, and it was proved that the seal Wandangyego was a prominent work worldwide. The results of this study are expected to be a new research methodology for analyzing the fusion factors in painting, sculpture and design.

A Study on the Changes in the urban structure of Pyongyang-Bu and the characteristics of Pyeong-an Gamyeong in the late Joseon Dynasty (조선 후기 평양부(平壤府)의 도시구조 변화와 평안감영의 특성)

  • Hong, Soek-Joo;Kim, Bue-Dyel
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.30 no.6
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    • pp.45-58
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    • 2021
  • This study aims to examine the changes in Pyongyang-bu during the late Joseon period and Pyeong-an Gamyeong through gazetteer, pictiroal maps and various literature. The results are as follows. To begin with, unlike other gamyeong, Pyongyang-bu had an exclusive government office facility from the beginning and had a different status because of the route for envoys from Ming. Therefore historical sites related to Gija were important. Second, the importance of Pyongyang city-wall increased even more through the Japanese Hideyoshi invasions in 1592 and the Manchu Invasion in 1636. However, since the post-war restoration was insufficient they focused on defense reducing the size of Pyongyang city wall. Third, as society stabilized, Pyongyangbu's finances were greatly secured. King Sukjong systematically reorganized Pyongyang city wall and facility of Pyongy-an gamyeong. The nothern wall in located high place, Gamyeong and storage in middle height and military force and guesthouse in the center of Pyongyang-bu. I-a and warehouse facilities in the far south were placed around the Daedonggwan. The urban structure that runs from Daedonggwan to Daedongmun was the same as other city. Another pertinent point is Pyeong-an gamyeong had more military facilities and rear garden and pavilion than before. In clunclusion, Pyeong-an gamyeong did not pass through three gates, but only through two gates. And it was characterized by more various space and having more pavilions than other gamyeong.

The life and medical idea of Yoo Chang (유창(喩昌)의 생애(生涯)와 의학사상(醫學思想))

  • Kim, Soo-Yeol;Yoon, Chang-Yeol
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.4
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    • pp.101-126
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    • 1990
  • At early Cheong (淸) dynasty, in medical aspect by dependent on practical studying attitude that must found a theory only by an evidence, there had been a tendancy that hoped direct research of sages' mind-eye by escaping the theory of individual classes since Geum-Won (金-元) dynasty. Yoo Chang (喩昌), born in Man-Ryeok (萬曆) 12th year of Myung (明) dynasty (A.D.1583) and dead in Gang-Hee (康熙) 3rd year of Cheong (淸) dynasty (A.D.1664). The results were as follows after studying his practical idea of medicine. 1. Yoo Chang, by recognizing the ${\ll}$Sang-Han-Ro${\gg}$ has lost its true meaning after commented by Wang Hee (王熙), Lim Eog (林億), Seong Moo-I (成無巳), etc. according to Bang Yoo-Jip's (方有執) Chak-Gan-Jung-Jeong (錯簡重訂) theory, he diversified the protocal of ${\ll}$Sang-Han-Ro${\gg}$ 397 method and arranged under Six Meridian part. (六經) 2. The theory of Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip (三綱鼎立) can be summerized Gye-Ji (桂枝) syndrome which is the case of Wind (風) has injured Wi (衛) stage, Ma-hwang (麻黃) syndrome which is the case of Cold (寒) has injured Yeong (榮) stage, Dae-Cheong-Ryong (大靑龍) syndrome which is the case both of Wind-Cold (風寒) has injured Yeong-Wi (榮衛) stage, and there has been Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip theory by anterior medical practitioners already but the person who formally used its Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip term is Yoo Chang. 3. Yoo Chang seized the On Byeng (溫病) by dividing three category and in Byon-Jeung-Si-Chi (辨證施治) he influenced to many aspect of establishment of later Byon-Jeung system On-Byong (溫病의 辨證體系) pertaining to Triple-Warmer by O-Dang (吳瑭) introducing Triple-Wanner Theory. (三焦理論) 4. At Chu-Jo-Ron (秋燥論) of ${\ll}$EUi-Moon-Beop-Ryo${\gg}$, while ${\ll}$Nae-Gyeong${\gg}$ describing if humidity injury Lung, then occur a disorder in it, Yoo Chang recognized that of au tuam when dryness injure Lung there occure a disorder is it so he insisted that at this case, must use Cheong-Joe-Goo-Pye method (淸操救肺法) withherbs, pertaing to Gam-Yoo-Ja-Yoon(甘柔滋潤性) property and he invented Cheong-Joe-Goo-Pye-Tang. (淸操救肺湯) 5. Yoo Chang', so called, Dae-Gi (大氣) indicates Yang-Gi (陽氣) of chest, he insisted that man's creation and every physiological activity depends on maintainence of Dae-Gi, and it integrate Yeong-Gi (榮氣), Wea-Gi (衛氣), Jong-Gi (宗氣), Jang-Boo-Ji-Gi (臟腑之氣), Gyeong-Rak-Ji-Gi. (經絡之氣) 6. Yoo Chang's expression about partical function and character of stomach, not only bolster its theory of historical physician's expression, that is stomach is. foundatness of postnatal period, but also it has corresponding aspect with modern medicine and clinic. 7. Yoo Chang emphasized "if one cure a disease, be must understood the character of disease first and use drugs later" (先議病 後用藥) phrase about of drug usage, and his theory of Geup-Rew-Man-Joo method (急流挽舟) and three therapy of Simple Ascite (單腹腸) are all unique opinion based upon this phrase mentioned above. 8. Yoo Chang's practical idea of medicine greatly influenced to Jang Ro (張璐), Hwang Won-A (黃元御), Oh Eui-Rak (吳儀洛), Joo Yang-Joon (周揚俊), etc. and theory of Sam-Gang-Jeng-Rip (三綱鼎立), Triple Warmer Theory of On Byong (溫疫의 三焦論治), Chu-Jo-Ron (秋燥論), Dae-Gi-Ron (大氣論) etc. became important object to student of Sang-Han (傷寒) and On-Byeng. (溫病) 9. Yoo Chang's Writings has more practical meaning than other physician's, especially, later the idea of Sang-Han (傷寒) and On-Byong (溫病) greatly contributed to development of Sang-Han theory and formation of On-Byong theory.

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A Study on Luxury Prohibition of Korean Personal Ornaments (한국장신구의 사치 금제 고찰)

  • 추원교
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.43-62
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    • 1989
  • The luxury is the expression of human being's ornament instinct. In this study, in order to grasp the moulding system of the Korean's personal ornaments, the process of luxury prohibition was reviewed to search for to which direction the ornaments developed in the frame of the prohibited style connected closely to the character of the personal ornaments. The proiod was fixed from the old society to the late Chosun dynasty era. The beginning of the luxury in Korea seems to be the start of the luxury burial at the time of funeral in the age of Koguryo., In the era of Koguryo, 10th year of King Dongmyung (B. C. 28), in the era of Baekje, 27th year of King Koi(260), the prohibition of dress regulation and the style of dress were conducted. The prohibition of personal ornaments in Silla was started from King Bup:Heung, and in the 9th year of King Heung-Duk, the prohibition was conducted in order to correct the luxury of the nobles and set up the social discipline. In the 11 th of King Il-Sung-Ni-Sa-Kum, the use of gold, silver and jade was prohibited in the civilian circles. The prohibition of Silla was succeeded to Koryo era, and in the 7th year of King Kwangjong(956), the system of Baekgwan Gongbok(uniform for government officials) was set up, and the system of Sasek Gongbok(four color official uniform) was set up in the 11 th year of the same King, and the prohibition of the personal ornaments such as crown and band is considred to have been conducted. The prohibition of gold and silver was conducted in the first year of King Sungjong(982), and in the 4th year of King Chungryul(l260), the order of wearing the dress and hat in accordance with the Yusan dynasty and the Mongolian customs were widely circulated in the royal court and vivilian circles. The strong influence of Mongolia made the taste of the traditional personal ornaments laste. The personal ornaments were used for the nobles until the age of the Unified Sillar but even the common people could use them in case they were rich, and such a circumstances made the use of foreign goods inflated. The prohibition of Koryo era was aimed at the prohibition of the foreign goods of luxury, and the classification of the social status.In the age of Chosun Dynasty, the production of gold and silver was feeble indeed but the oute reason of the prohibition was to eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of eradicate the luxurious tendency, elevate the custom of thrift, and moreover, the gold, silver and jade were no the products of Korea and the prohibition was conducted but the true reason was afor the tribute tt China and the classification of status. The prohibition of Chosun dynasty was conducted first in the June of the 3rd year of King Taejo The major contents of prohibition was no use of gold, silver and jade, coral, agate, amber, etc. of th, wives of the Dang-Sang-Kwan (Court Nobleman) or their sons and daughters, and the same pheno menon was common even at the time of marriage. The people engaged in the secret trade there of wert beheaded. The personal ornaments in the prohibition were the pendent trinket, Binyo (crossbar) ceremonial ornamental hat, ring, earring, ornamental knife, hat string, hat ornament, belt, etc. Thl luxurious marriage expenses out of the luxury was severe, and lose of the marriageable age because 0 non-preparing the marriage goods was the national evil. The prohibition oC luxury was hard to bt kept to the nobles or rich people, the same as old days and present days. The prohibition of th{ luxury and personal ornaments of Korea had nothing to do with the commons, and it was limited tc the nobles and rich people. The prohibition was aimed to cultivating the custom of frugality by eradicating the luxurious atmosphere, but it was chiefly due to the tribute to the China and tht discrimination of the. status. We can say that the recent personal ornament was the flower of handi craft industry bloomed in the prohibition and regulation.

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King Jeongjo's recognition on Neo-Confucian literati and it's historical meaning (정조(正祖)의 사대부(士大夫) 인식(認識)과 그 특징(特徵))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.32
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    • pp.103-128
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    • 2008
  • King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

A Study on the Costume Style of Civil Servants' Stone Images Erected at Tombs of the Kings for Yi-dynasty (조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 왕릉(王陵) 문인석상(文人石像)의 복식형태(服飾形態)에 관한 연구)

  • Kwon, Yong-Ok
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.4
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    • pp.87-114
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    • 1981
  • A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

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An Analysis on Types and Contents of Hanging Boards Inscribed with King's Writings in Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] (동관왕묘의 어제(御製) 현판(懸板)의 유형과 내용 분석)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.52-77
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    • 2016
  • A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji (삼태극의 의미고찰)

  • Kim, Myoung Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.