• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.62-79
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• 2020

The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.75-90
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• 2011

At the beginning of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, punch'$\breve{o}$ng began as a simplified form of inlaid celadon, and in the two following centuries it developed into a popular folk craft in various styles and expressive decorations; overtime, it was increasingly made to resemble whiteware, and its production stopped after the Japanese invasion of Korea. In the present study, the body and glaze compositions of punch'$\breve{o}$ng were examined and compared with those of celadon and whiteware, whose compositions have previously been compared with those of Chinese ceramics. Here, the analyzed shards were organized into 28 groups based on their production sites and archaeological characteristics. For each group, the body and glaze compositions of several shards(usually three to five) were obtained, averaged, and compared with those of the other groups. These comparisons showed that the majority of the punch'$\breve{o}$ng bodies were formed, like those of celadon and whiteware, with mica-quartz porcelain stone, which was commonly used in Yuezhou, Jingdezhen, and other southern Chinese kilns. The glazes consisted of clay materials and flux components made from various proportions of wood ash, burnt limestone (glaze ash) and crushed limestone. Overall, the punch'$\breve{o}$ng glazes resembled the Kory$\breve{o}$ celadon and Kory$\breve{o}$ whiteware glazes more closely than the Chos$\breve{o}$n white wareglazes. However, the $TiO_2$ levels found in the tested punch'$\breve{o}$ng were low, similar to those of Chos$\breve{o}$n whiteware; this indicated that glaze stone was used as the clay component of the punch'$\breve{o}$ng glazes, as was the case for Chos$\breve{o}$n whiteware. This study of the material characteristics of punch'$\breve{o}$ng may be used as a comparative framework for analyzing ceramic shards discovered at current and future excavations within Korea.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.160-174
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• 2005

Despite the decrease in the number of children due to low birth rate, the domestic children's apparel market has been achieving steady growth as family income is rising thanks to more opportunities for working women, parents spend more on their children, and they prefer brand products that make their children look special. In addition, the market is suffering from hard competition as large enterprises have joined the race. The present study purposed to survey the children's apparel market in Korea, which is in a transitional period, and to contribute to the development of the market with Korean brands. For this purpose, we analyzed the characteristics of children's apparel brands in the 21st century based on the current state of the domestic children's apparel market and, based on the findings, forecasted the future trend of children's apparel brands, suggested improvements for expected problems, proposed standards for coping with changes such as diversification, high quality and differentiation in the children's apparel market, and provided consumers with information on how to purchase products. According to the result of analyzing the characteristics of children's apparel brands in the 21st century, brands are categorized largely into four types - life cultural brands, functional product brands, character brands and brands advancing to China. Life cultural brands equipped with all necessities for children are expanding, and with the deepening social problems of environmental pollution and the reduction of the child population, functional products made of environment-friendly materials are spreading widely, targeting infants and children. Furthermore, for extending age targets and diversifying products, children's apparel is using characters. The use of characters is expected to have a considerable effect on the growth of brands because children are more subjective as consumers than before and they are more easily persuaded with characters. Domestic children's apparel brands advancing to China have a high expectation of success in overcoming the limitation of the local market that has reached its peak and growing into global brands. Korean apparel makers are struggling to overcome the depressed domestic market, to recover consumers' consumption, to cope with market opening, to pursue high value of sensibility and to expand the seniors' market, etc. In this situation, future trends of children's apparel brands will be the expansion of family brands, brand totalization, quality price, niche market (pre-teen market), etc. In response to these trends, we made the following suggestions for improvement. 1. Children's apparel brands are evolving into family brands as well as into total brands through voluming. Today, however, apparel makers are advancing to the children's apparel market with the concept of adults' apparel and, as a result, children's apparel is merely adults' apparel of reduced size, having problems in design, color and materials. Thus, apparel makers must develop design considering the wide range of size and the characteristics of children's apparel, strengthen sourcing abilities to create revenues, and make thorough survey of customers to find common denominators between adults' apparel and children's apparel considering that characteristic that the target class is different from the buyer class. Furthermore, they must make active investments in human resources, develop outstanding products through advanced planning and design, and support marketing techniques and management systems to stores. 2. As the declining birth rate will continue to have a negative effect on the market, it may be difficult to expand the market size but there is still a margin for growth through high-sensibility and high-quality products. The competitiveness of brands is determined by their market shares. Accordingly, concepts should be specialized according to lifestyle, customers' diverse needs should be satisfied, and cross-coordination should be achieved within a brand. 3. Considering Korean parents who do not spare investment in their children despite shrinking consumption, functional products must be high value-added goods that can enhance efficiency. However, in the current situation of the infants' apparel industry where a textile manufacturer supply its products to multiple brands, it is difficult to develop unique products only based on materials. Thus, it is considered urgent to appeal to consumers not by relying on materials only but by finding methods of applying their own characters to children's dress.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.80-99
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• 2018

In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.260-279
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• 2010

The analysis on bibliography and field investigation of Callipogon relictus Semenov, 1898 (Korean natural monument number 218) shows that the size varies from country to country, and Korean specimens, for which male is 85~120mm and female is 65~85mm, are found to be the largest. The average diameter and length of egg are 2.60mm and 6.72mm respectively. The larva has milky color and is about 100~150mm in length. The pupa is nearly 70~110mm. An adult generally appears from June to September in Korea in the broadleaf forest of lowland, whereas it appears from June to July in China. It is known that the pupa largely feed on the old tree trunk of Carpinus laxiflora (Siebold & Zucc.) blume in Korea, but no such data have been reported in China and Russia, showing differences in host plants. While the larva period is not exactly known in Korea, it is reported to be two years in China. It appears that the species inhabits in very limited regions of approximately between geographical latitude $37.5^{\circ}{\sim}47.8^{\circ}$ and longitude $126^{\circ}{\sim}140^{\circ}$ including Korea, China and Russia. To conserve the long-horned beetle in Korea, this research drew out following some conclusions through analyzing the references and field survey data. First, it need to perform precise survey on the natural environment of occurring and collected area or place including host plant kinds, temperate, humidity, latitude, longitude etc. Second, habitat region must be designated as a restricted development area, and it need to exclude or reduce the damage factors to prosper reproduction of the species. Third, it is necessary to keep loosing cautiously artificial breeding individuals in the reported sites, not disturbing scope of natural populations. Fourth, it needs to educate or publicize many people importance and value of this species through many methods.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.144-157
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• 2009

Nondestructive methods to check the vitality of trees and to find out internal decay of old-giant trees include the use of electrical resistance, ultrasound transmission time, microdrilling, and infrared thermography etc. Among these, ultrasound transmission offers some advantages compared to others such as it is an entirely nondestructive detection method and it can be applied to very big trees. However, the ultrasound equipment is comparatively expensive and not broadly spread yet. On the other hand, Shigometer is versatile to be applied to check vitality of the tree and find out internal decay. Electrical conductivity of plant tissues is a very useful characteristics to determine the vitality and internal decay of trees. Electrical resistance of cambial area tells about the vitality of a tree and electrical resistance of heartwood reveals discoloration or decay of it. For determination of the vitality of the tree, the standard equation for calibration of measured electrical resistances should be developed by measuring and analyzing electrical resistance from at least 30-40 trees of the same species with that tree. All the factors, especially tree species, diameter of the stem, and temperature, which can altered the electrical resistance of trees, should be taken into consideration in the development of the equation. If the standard equation is developed for old-giant trees that we should conserve, it will be very useful. In addition, periodical and continued measuring of a certain tree will help to determine the condition of the tree by comparing the measurement with accumulated data of the tree. Measuring electrical resistance of wood might not require the standard equation. But it also needs to check electrical resistance of sound wood of the same tree species. If the stems that should be examined is thicker than 40cm, it is better to use the ultrasound measurement combined to Shigometer.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.