• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.18 no.8
• /
• pp.217-224
• /
• 2020

The purpose of this study is to discuss implications for government policy aimed at increasing public's intention to accept AI. Knowledge regarding AI and feelings regarding AI were found to influence acceptance to intention towards AI. Hierarchical regression analysis was then conducted to explore the moderation effect of confidence in government on knowledge and feelings regarding AI. Results showed that as advanced knowledge regarding AI has a positive influence on acceptance intention towards AI and negative feelings regarding AI has a negative influence on acceptance intention towards AI. Feelings regarding AI had the highest impact on acceptance intention towards AI, followed by confidence in government and knowledge regarding AI. Results also revealed that a high level of confidence in government regulations was associated with greater acceptance intention towards AI and a low level of confidence in government regulations acceptance intention towards AI was more influenced by feelings regarding AI than by knowledge regarding AI. Furthermore, religion had a significant influence on acceptance intention towards AI, which provides one insightful direction for future research.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.147-156
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.207-225
• /
• 2019

Despite a vast amount of research on the relationship between personality traits and political attitudes, little is known about the effects of personality on individuals' support for the political system of their own country. Using three nationally representative datasets from South Korea, the present study shows that the personality dimensions - particularly, Agreeableness - are positively associated with political support, which encompasses confidence in the presidency, confidence in the government, and national pride. These findings suggest that two facets of Agreeableness - trust and compliance - are activated in expressing individuals' support for their political system. Thus, mobilizing citizens who score high on Agreeableness is essential to maintain political stability and legitimacy, but such a task appears to be difficult, given that ideological polarization discourages them from being politically active due to their propensity to conflict avoidance.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.4 no.1
• /
• pp.55-71
• /
• 2006

The Public Service Charter is one of the administrative reform programs introduced to promote customer oriented administration. It's main purpose is to achieve citizens' confidence in the government by satisfying them with elevated quality of the public services. This study focuses on analyzing current conditions and achievements of the Public Service Charter in the Republic of Korea and proposing it's development plan. Since it was introduced to Korea in 1998, the Public Service Charter has been disseminated and contributed to the spreading of the citizens' understandings of the government's initiatives for customer satisfaction plans. Still, it has several problems as follows; A lot of public servants and citizens lack in understandings of this program. CEOs don't have enough concern in it. Evaluation is not organically connected to performance management. The correction and compensation procedure are not well operated. To solve these problems, the government needs to set up an institutional foundation establishing a legal base, uplifting CFO' concerns, and building a department with full responsibility, and to promote employees and citizens' participation through education and PR. It's also important to enhance post management by efficient evaluation and performance management, substantial correction and compensation procedure.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.79-115
• /
• 2021

Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
• /
• v.15 no.23
• /
• pp.10237-10240
• /
• 2015

Background: Prostate cancer is the third most commonly diagnosed cancer among males in Pakistan but very little is known about risk factors among the Pakistani population. Therefore a hospital-based, case-control study was carried out in Faisalabad to identify potential risk factors. Materials and Methods: This study was based on 140 prostate cancer cases and 280 normal controls. Logistic regression was used to estimate odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for odds ratios to assess the relationship between prostate cancer and different risk factors. Results: Family history of prostate cancer, age, smoking, obesity, consumption of red meat and frequent use of fat items significantly increased the prostate cancer risk (odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals of: 7.32; 1.79-29.8; 16.9, 5.60-50.8; 2.47, 1.17-5.18; 5.79, 2.66-12.6; 2.71, 1.07-6.91; and 3.39, 1.47-7.83, respectively. On the other hand, more consumption of fruit, fluid intake and better lifestyle (physical activity) significantly reduced the risk of developing prostate cancer with odd ratios and corresponding 95% confidence intervals of: 0.27, 0.11-0.61; 0.05, 0.02-0.12; and 0.28, 0.13-0.58. Conclusions: The results of the present study suggested that age, family history of prostate cancer, smoking, obesity, fluid intake, frequent use of fat items, consumption of fruits and better lifestyle might be associated with prostate cancer among Pakistani males.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
• /
• v.16 no.15
• /
• pp.6243-6247
• /
• 2015

Background: Thyroid cancer (TC) is a more common endocrine malignancy in females and is a major cause of death in developing countries. Therefore the aim of this study was to explore possible risk factors of thyroid cancer in females of Pakistan. Materials and Methods: This study covered 232 females, including 127 (54.7%) cases and 105 (45.2%) controls, from the INMOL Hospital and Sheikh Zayed Hospital, Lahore. Different risk factors were explored by the descriptive and inferentially statistics. Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for different risk factors were computed using logistic regression. Results: The results showed six risk factors, marital status, family history of thyroid cancer, iodine in the diet, oxidative stress, fast food and fried food, to demonstrate positive significant links to thyroid cancer (odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals of :2.152, 1.104-4.198; 2.630, 1.416-4.887; 2.391, 1.282-4.458; 4.115, 2.185-7.750; 3.656, 1.851-7.223; 2.357, 1.268-4.382; and 2.360, 1.199-4.643, respectively). Conclusions: The Oxidative stress, marital status, family history of cancer, fast food, use of iodine diet and fried food are the risk factors of thyroid cancer in females.

• Korean Journal of Food Science and Technology
• /
• v.44 no.6
• /
• pp.658-665
• /
• 2012

A survey of zearalenone contamination was conducted on cereal-based products by using an immunoaffinity column with LC-MS/MS. The calibration curve showed good lineality, with correlation coefficients ($R^2$) of 0.999 in the concentration range from 1 to 250 ng/mL. The limits of detection and quantification were approximately $0.3{\mu}g/kg$ and $1.0{\mu}g/kg$, respectively. The recoveries in the barley tea, Misutgaru and snack ranged from 73.6-107.8%. Zearalenone was detected in 10 samples (11.2% incidence). The highest zearalenone contamination level was $29.7{\mu}g/kg$ in the Misutgaru. This survey was conducted with uncertainty of measurement. The expanded uncertainty for zearalenone was estimated to be $44.9{\pm}5.0{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2, 95% confidence level) and $128.7{\pm}7.9{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2, 95% confidence level) for barley tea, $30.7{\pm}5.8{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2, 95% confidence level) and $173.7{\pm}14.9{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2.26, 95% confidence level) for Misutgaru, and $37.2{\pm}7.4{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2.31, 95% confidence level) and $151.0{\pm}10.4{\mu}g/kg$ (k=2, 95% confidence level) snack at the level of $41.7{\mu}g/kg$ and $166.7{\mu}g/kg$, respectively.

• 한국IT서비스학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2007.11a
• /
• pp.145-156
• /
• 2007

In the previous e-government studies, there was no study in which the ambitious problem of assessing the expected performance of an e-government software when it is adopted in other country. This study was motivated to propose a new method to resolve this research question. With using the KIPONet (Korean Intellectual Property Office Net) as a target e-government software, which has been successfully implemented and operated by the Republic of Korea government since Jan 1999 for the purpose of managing the intellectual property rights (IPRs), we propose a Hybrid Qualitative Reasoning (HQR) approach to predicting the expected performance of the KIPONet. The main recipes of the HQR are that the HQR considers causal relationships existing among both qualitative and quantitative variables of the KIPONet, and that uncertainties embedded in some variables are handled by using Monte Carlo mechanism. The application of the proposed HQR to predicting the expected performance of the KIPONet results in statistically significant outcomes with 95% confidence level.

• STI Policy Review
• /
• v.4 no.1
• /
• pp.119-134
• /
• 2013

The Fukushima nuclear incident of 2011 served as an external shock that prompted Japan to reform its nuclear energy sector. The collusive relationship between the regulators within the Japanese government and the regulated power industry, as well as the lack of institutional independence of the regulatory agency, had derailed Japanese efforts to reform the sector for decades. The Fukushima crisis exposed these deeply-entrenched flaws in the system, causing public distrust and anger toward the government and the nuclear power sector. This paper discusses the institutional reform measures the Japanese government introduced in the wake of the Fukushima crisis to recover public confidence and revamp the sector to prevent future disasters. The paper also discusses the challenges the Japanese government faces on its road to a successful implementation of nuclear sector reforms.