• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.7
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• pp.201-219
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• 1989

Rice culture in Korea has a long history ranging over two thousand years. In the agriculture economy of pre-mordern Korea, however, its importantce was not as great as generally assumed. In fact, rice culture reached full development only after the 1920s when the Japanese colonial government carried out its drive to increase rice production in the Korea peninsula. It was not until the mid-1930s that rice became the staple in Korean diet. This can be attributed to two factors : (1) a mountainous topography that provides little irrigated fields and (2) a climate characterized by droughts in spring and heavy precipitation in summer. The present paper attempts to answer some of these questions. Specifically it will focus on these : Did the development of rice culture actually result in population growth? What are the salient features of agricultural develdpment and population grow in traditional Korea? Does the case of Korea conform the prevailing generalization about the agriculture in East Asia? I have discussed the development of rice culture and population growth in the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty, focusing on the relation between the rapid spread of transplanting and the rapid growth of population from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century. Here are my conclusions. (1) The spread of transplanting and other technological innovationsc contributed to the rapid growth of population in this period. However, we should also note that the impact of rice culture on population growth was rather limited, for rice culture was not the mainstay of agricultural economy in pre-modern Korea. Indeed we should consider the influence of dry field cropsn population growth. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the proliferation of rice culture was a factor crucial to population growth and regional concentration. (2) How should we characterize the spread of rice culture in the whole period? Evidently rice culture spread from less then 20% of cultivated fields in the fifteenth century to about 36% of them in the early twentieth century. Although rice as a single crop outweighed other crops, rice culture was more then counter-balanced by dry field crops as a whole, due to Korea's unique climate and geography. Thus what we have here in not a typical case of competition between rice culture and day field culture. Besides, the spread of rice culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries accomplished by technological innovations that overcame severe springtime drought, rather than extensive irrigation. Althougt irrigarion facilities did proliferate to some extent, this was achieved by local landlords and peasants rather than the state. This fact contradicts the classical thesis that the productivity of rice culture increased through the state management of irrigation and that this in turn determined the type of society. (3) We should further study other aspects of the transition from the stable population and production struture in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to the rapid population growth and excessive density of population thereafter. We should note that there were continuing efforts to reclaim the land in order to solve the severe shortage of land. Changes also took place in the agricultural production relations. The increase in land producrivity developed tenancy based on rent in kind, and this in turn increased the independence of tenants from their landlords. There were changes in family relations-such as the shift to primogeniture as an effort to prevent progressive division of property among multiplying offspring. The rapid population growth also produced a great mass of propertyless farm laborers. These changes had much to do with the disintegration of traditional social institutions and political structure toward the end of the Chos$\breve{o}$n dynasty.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.76-85
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• 2011

This research explores the Korean perspective on parks and the beginning of urban parks in the port opening period. The purpose of the study is to understand how Koreans viewed and accepted the idea of a park as imported from western culture and with what attitudes. Analyzed sources included: "Susinsa's Record"(修信使記錄) by Susinsa(修信使) who wrote the inspection records of foreign modern cultures for the first time after the port opening, "Seoyukyunmun"(西遊見聞) by Yu Kil-jun(兪吉濬) and "Yun Chi-ho's Diary"(尹致昊日記) by Yun Chi-ho(尹致昊), which are representative works by students sent abroad, as well as some records of Seo Jae-pil(徐載弼) and The Independence Club(獨立協會) such as "The Independent"(獨立新聞), which contains the records of 'IndependencePark'. This research is focused on the literature that reexamins and interprets the related data from primary sources. As a result, it was found that the people who led the modern reformation in the Port Opening period adopted and developed social thinking regarding parks. Indeed, it was possible to witness the gradual sophistication of the concept of a park from the time of Susina's thoughts on parks to that of Yu Kil-jun's support for the need and importance of parks and Yun Chi-ho's cultural and artistic interest in parks. Also, Seo Jae-pil and the Independence Club drove the development of Independence Park, which was designed to incorporate social values and symbols while also serving to meet the needs of recreation, leisure, hygiene, and enlightenment. The Independence Club consistently advocated for the necessity of open spaces and delivered this message to the public via article writing. In short, even prior to the Japanese colonial period, Koreans shared thoughts and exchanged opinions on parks. Parks were to be created not just as a copy or transplant of western parks, but were constructed based on social demands and necessity. As few studies have taken the approach of identifying this origin of Korean parks, thus, this research which traces back the origin of Korean parks, is significant.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.65-83
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• 1994

Sevaral problems of administrative area sysem in Korea have been brought up for a long time. Because its frame has remained since Chosun and Japanese colonial period in spite of changing local administrative environment in accordance with rapid industrialization and urbanization. Recent reform of city (Shi)- county (Gun) integration is derived from this argument. But problems which permeate deeply overall system cannot be solved by partial reorganization of Shi-Gun. They may be rationalized only through the reform of the whole system. The aims of this study are to analyze problems of administrative area system entirelr and to discuss the direction of its reform from that point of view. Major problems of administrative area system are summed up into the followings. Firstly, it is found that administrative hierarchies are too many levels. Contemporary administrative hierarchical structure is 4 levels: regional autonomous government (Tukpyolshi, Jik'halshi, Do), local autonomous government (Shi, Gun), two leveis of auxiliary administrative area (Up, Myun and Ri). These hierarchies were established in late period of Chosun which transportation was undeveloped and residential activity space was confined. But today developing transportion and expanding sphere of life don't need administrative hierarchical structurl with many levels. Besides developing administrative technology reduces administrative space by degrees. Many levels of contemporary administrative hierarchical structure are main factor of administrative inefficency, discording with settlement system. Second problem is that Tukpyolshi and Jik'halshi - cities under direct control of the central government as metropolitan area - underbounded cities. Underbounded city discomforts residential life and increases external elects of local pulic services. Especially this problem is Seoul, Pusan and Daegu. Third problem is that Do-areas are mostly two larger in integrating into single sphere of life. In fact each of them consistes of two or three sphere of life. Fourth Problem is metropolitan government system that central city is seperated from complementary area, i.e. Do. It brings about weakening the economic force of Do. Fifth problem is that several cities divided single sphere of life. It is main factor of finantial inefficency and facing difficult regional administration. Finally necessity of rural parish (Myun.) is diminished gradually with higher order center oriented activty of rural residents. First of all administrative area system should corresponds with substantial sphere of life in order to solve these problems. Followings are some key directions this study proposes on the reform of administrative area system from that standpoint. 1. Principles of reorgnization -- integration of central dty with complementary area. -- correspondence of administrative hierarchical structure with settlement system. -- correspondence of boundary of administrative area with sphere of life. 2. Reform strategy -- Jik'halshi is integrated with Do and is under the contol of Do. -- Small Seoul shi (city) which have special functions as captal is demarcated in Seoul tukpyolshi and 22 autonomous distrcts of Seoul tukpyolshi is integrated into 3-4 cities. -- Neighboring cities (Shies) in single sphere of life are intrgrated into single city (Shj). -- Myun and Ri are abolished in rural region and new unit of local administrative area on the basis of lowest order sphere of life into which 3-4 Ries are integrated replaces them.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.171-190
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• 2012

The Korean Society of Applied Entomology (KSAE) celebrates its First 50 years history this year, 2011. It began in the year 1962, as the Korean Society of Plant Protection (KSPP) to discuss all aspects of plant protection including entomology and plant pathology. At that time it was one of the earliest scientific ones among agricultural societies in Korea. Before liberation from the Japanese colonial rule there were a few scientific societies for Japanese scientists only in the Korean Peninsula. It seemed that there was a single exception, in medical field, formed by and operated for Korean ethnics. Right after the liberation, Korean scientists rushed to form new scientific societies in the fields of mechanical engineering, architecture, textile, internal medicine, biology, etc. in 1945, mathematics, chemistry, metallurgy, etc. in 1946, and so on. But agricultural scientists had to wait for more time before setting up their own scientific society, Korean Agricultural Society(韓國農學會), comprising all agricultural subfields, in 1954. They had annual meetings and published their own journal every year until 1962. Then those working in the plant protection field established their own KSPP, right after their section meeting in 1962. At that time the total number of participants for KSPP were only around 50. KSPP scientists were interested in plant pathology, agricultural chemicals, weed science, or bioclimate, besides entomology. They had annual meetings once or twice a year until 1987 and published their own journal, Korean Journal of Plant Protection (KJPP), once a year at the earlier years but soon gradually increasing the frequency to four times a year later. Articles on entomology and plant pathology occupied about 40% each, but the number of oral or posters were a little bit higher on plant pathology than entomology, with the rest on nematology, agricultural chemicals, or soil microarthropods. There also had a number of symposia and special lectures. The presidentship lasted for two years and most of president served only one term, except for the first two. The current president should be $28^{th}$. In the year 1988, KSPP had to be transformed into the applied entomology society, Korean Society of Applied Entomology (KSAE), because most of plant pathologists participating left the society to set up their own one, Korean Society of Plant Pathology in 1984. Since that time the Society concentrates on entomology, basic and applied, with some notes on nematology, acarology, soil microarthropods, agricultural chemicals, etc. The Society has been hosting annual meetings at least twice a year with special lectures and symposia, from time to time, on various topics. It also hosted international symposia including binational scientific meetings twice with two different Japanese (applied entomology in 2003 and acarology in 2009) societies and the Asia-Pacific Congress of Entomology in 2005. The regular society meeting of this year, 2011, turns out to be the 43rd and this autumn non-regular meeting would be the 42nd. It has been publishing two different scientific journals, Korean Journal of Applied Entomology (KJAE) since 1988 and the Journal of Asia-Pacific Entomology (JAPE) since 1998. Both journals are published 4 times a year, with articles written in Korean or English in the first, but those in English only in the latter with cooperation from the Taiwan Entomological Society and the Malaysian Plant Protection Society since 2008. It is now enlisted as one of those SCI(science citation index) extended. The highest number of topics discussed at their annual meetings was on ecology, behavior, and host resistance. But at the annual meetings jointly with the Korean Society of Entomology, members were more interested in basic aspects, instead of applied aspects, such as physiology and molecular biology fields. Among those societies related to entomology and plant protection, plant pathology, pesticide, and applied entomology societies are almost similar in membership, but entomology and plant pathology societies are publishing more number of articles than any others. The Society is running beautifully, but there are a few points to be made for further improvement. First, the articles or posters should be correctly categorized on the journals or proceedings. It may be a good idea to ask members to give their own version of correct category for their submissions, either oral or poster or written publication. The category should be classified detailed as much as possible (one kind of example would be systematics, morphology, evolution, ecology, behavior, host preference or resistance, physiology, anatomy, chemical ecology, molecular biology, pathology, chemical control, insecticides, insecticide resistance, biocontrol, biorational control, natural enemies, agricultural pest, forest pest, medical pest, etc.) and such scheme should be given to members beforehand. The members should give one or two, first and second, choices when submitting, if they want. Then the categories might be combined or grouped during editing for optimal arrangement for journals or proceedings. Secondly the journals should carry complete content of the particular year and author index at the last issue of that year. I would also like to have other information, such as awards and awardees in handy way. I could not find any document for listing awards. Such information or article categorization may be assigned to one of the vice presidents. I would rather strongly recommend that the society should give more time and energy on archive management to keep better and more correct history records.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.33 no.4 s.92
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• pp.366-373
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• 2000

Toxin production and low digestibility of cyanobacteria are known to cause low exploitability of cyanobacteria by zooplankton. In this study, we compared relative tolerance and compatibility of zooplankton taxa in eight eutrophic lakes, exposed to frequent cyanobacterial blooms, uring the summer season of 1999. Microcystis, Anabaena, Oscillatoria and Phormidium were common cyanobacteria in all lakes. with relatively lower $NO_3-N$ concentration (<0.2 mgN/l) and TN/TP ratio (<20), compared with other lakes where colonial cyanobacteria dominated. Rotifers were dominant zooplankton in most lakes, and among them, Keratella, Polyarthra and Hexathra were common. The laboratory feeding experiment showed that relative copepods that greatly decreased (90%) after 4 day when cyanobacteria were used as the food source of zooplankton, while rotifers gradually increased with the change of dominant taxa from Keratella through Pompholyx to Monostyla. These results suggest that rotifers may be capable of coexisting with cyanobacteria by exploiting them for the food source.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.91-101
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• 2009

In this study, the landscape of Insa-dong was interpreted from the viewpoint of a social construction of landscape, which regards the dynamic process of landscape change as more important than landscape visibility. This viewpoint also regards landscape as the result of its interaction with certain actors. From a review of previous studies on the same subject, it was found that the physical environment, institutions, and images are essential factors influencing landscape change. Insa-dong, which was Kwanindaing and Daesadong during the Joseon Dynasty, acquired symbolic meaning as a traditional area during the Japanese colonial period because of its many antique shops and Korean-style buildings. In 1970, the establishment of modern galleries in the district added to its image as a haven of the traditional Korean culture. Insa-dong thus eventually came to be referred to as "the street of traditional culture" by the people of Korea. Thanks to global festivals like the Asian Games, the Olympics, and the World Cup, Insa-dong's reputation as a cultural tourist destination has become stronger as these festivals created a need for a place in Korea where the country's traditional culture can be showcased to foreign tourists. After the mid-1990s, the merchants of Insa-dong began to cash in on the district's image as a showcase of traditional Korean culture due to the economic depression that emerged then. The people of Insa-dong and those outside it, however, came to feel that this trend damaged the district's image. Therefore, the people of Insa-dong and the district's local government started a movement to restore the aesthetic value and symbolic meaning of the district's landscape. This effort induced institutional change. Insa-dong used to be a natural haven of traditional Korean culture. Its landscape has recently been reconstructed so that this image could be restored. This process was made possible by the active interaction of diverse people: merchants, users, administrators, and NGOs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

The results of this study conducted to identify the substance, regional characteristics or landscaping of Namwon Yonghogugok, which is the only valley of Jiri Mountain, based on Kim Samun's 'Yonghokugok-Gyeongseungannae(龍湖九曲景勝案內)', 'Yongseongji(龍城誌)' and position, meaning of letters carved and projection technique by ArcGIS10.0 on the rocks are as below. The feature landscapes of the canyon of Yonghogugok, which is an incised meander and one of the Eight beautiful scenery of Namwon, ponds, cliffs and rocks generated with metamorphic rocks and granites weathered by rapids torrents. As a result of measuring the GPS coordinates of the letters carved on the rocks, excluding the 3 Gok Hakseoam and the distances based on the origin and destination of the letters carved on the rocks using the API(Application Programming Interface) function of Daum map, the total distance of Yonghogugok was 3.5km and the average distance between the each Gok was 436.5m. It is assumed that Yonghogugok was designated by Sarim(士林) of the Kiho School(畿湖學派) related to Wondong Hyangyak(元洞鄕約) which is the main agent of Yonghojeongsa(龍湖精舍), the forerunner of Yonghoseowon(龍湖書院), between the late Joseon Dynasty and the early Japanese colonial era, in 1927. Its grounds are the existence of Yonghoyeongdang mentioned on 'Yonghojeongsilgi'(龍湖亭實記), records of 'Haeunyugo(荷隱遺稿)', 'Yonghopumje(龍湖品題)' of Bulshindang(佛神堂), 'Yonghojeongsadonggu Gapjachun(龍湖精舍洞口 甲子春)' letters carved on the rocks and 'Yonghogugok-Shipyeong(龍湖九曲十詠)' posted on Mokgandang of Yonghoseowon. Comprehensively considering the numerous poetry society lists carved on the stone wall of Punghodae(風乎臺), the Sixth Gok Yuseondae, its stone mortar, 'Bangjangjeildongcheon(方丈第一洞天)' of Bulshindang and Gyoryongdam(交龍潭), the Yonghoseokmun(龍湖石門) letters carved on the rocks, Yeogungseok adjacent to the First Gok and Fengshui facilities, centered on Yonghoseowon and Yonghojeong, Yonghogugok can be understood as a unique valley culture formed with the thoughts of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Fengshui. 'Yonghogugok-Gyeongseungannae' provides very useful information to understand the place name, called by locals and landscaping aspects of Yonghogugok in the late Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the meaning of "Nine dragons" and even though 12 chu(湫: pond) of Yonghogugok Yongchudong including Bulyeongchu, Guryongchu, Isuchu, Goieumchu and Daeyachu are mentioned on Yongseongji, a part of them cannot be confirmed now. Various place names and facilities relevant to Guryong adjacent to Yonghogugok are the core of the place identity. In addition, the accurate location identification and the delivery of the landscaping significance of the 12 ponds is expected to provide landscaping attractiveness of Yonghogugok and become very useful contents for landscaping storytelling and a keyword of storyboard.