• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2012

There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.15-42
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• 1991

A nation's culture isn't consisted by the characteristics of the nation only, but it is greatly affected by the geographical features and natural conditions, and it could be also dominated by the continual effect through mutual contact on economic exchange or social problem and political interests with neighboring countries. It is a well known fact that the contact of culture between Korea and Mongolia established under the special political situation that Corea was invaded by Won. But more basically, the Nomad including Mongolia had influenced upon neighboring countries, therefore, our country was also greatly influenced on consisting of our own culture by them. Moreover. the fact that our language belongs to their language's category(mostly Tweigru and Mongolian language) proves that the origin of our culture was deeply related with Mongolia. Accordingly, we could not limit the cultural relation between Korea and Mongolia within a special era. But especially, since unification of China by Mongolia, Won which appeared as a new great nation had dominated Corea for one hundred years, and the Corea's costume culture had a point of conversion to the mongolian. Therefore, this study expects to comment upon the relations of costume between Corea and Mongolia from a view point of Corea's tribute and royal gifts gifts by Mongolia written on the reference literatures. 1) From the ancient times, between our country and Mongolia there has been a direct or indirect exchange caused by the people's movement or invasion due to very closed neighboring. The relations between Corea and Mongolia have started from the mongolia's requests of tribute for the reason why they helped Corea against the Keoran's invasion, and these relation had continued by King Kongmin's age. 2) Mongolia had plundered a tribute such as dress, cereals, horses, military supplies, soldiers, maiden and little girls etc. from Corea, and therefore, a great confusion occurred on political, economic and social fields. And since King Chungyoul of Corea got married with a Princess of Won, the Corea's position was placed as the Buma nation(nation of son in law) and then high class people of Corea preferred to follow the mongolian costume such as Byunbal (pigtail), Ho dress (mongolian dress), Rouges, Chockturi (a kind of formal cap) and Doturak pigtail ribbon, and some have been applied up to date. On the other hand, the custom of Corea had transmitted to the Mongolian nobility, they called it "Corea Yang(style)". 3) The costume of Corea could be divided into three different periods, the first is the period influenced by Tang and Song's regime, the second is affected by the Won's costume and the third is applying the Myung's regime in the end of Corea. The Mongolian dress was based on the Ho dress form and it has been developed through compounding artistic traditional fields and foreign customs in long history. And Mongolia is composed of various tribes, therefore, they have their own dress for each tribe. Our country and Mongolia had a similar dress form based on Ho dress and both used the Chacksukunggo (jacket with small sleeves and slacks) and Seon(line). And the ornaments of costume such as Chockturi, Doturak pigtail ribbon and Rouges had transmitted and fixed down as a traditional wedding garment, but the Rouges has been used by noble women from the ancient times in our country. Since a member of the Society of Korean Costume has visited Mongolia in August 1990 for the first time, I really recognized the neccesity of more detailed study on the costume relation between Korea and Mongolia, and I will proceed with the study on various fields of costume under cooperation of Institute of Oriental Academy of Mongolia.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.45-66
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the kaftan styles iin Asia. The purpose of he study was to examine the origin o the kaftan concentrating on the history and cultural backgrounds of nomads in he Western Central and North Eastern Asia. Secondly for more thorough study and expla-nation on how these kaftans contributed to East-West trade along the silk road. wall paintings and miniature illuminations along Oasis roads persia and Saracen period were compared, Also real kaftans were compared and analyzed the characteristics of Western (Turkey palestine) Central(Kazakistan Uz-bekistan Tadzhistan Qyrgyztan Turkmenistan) and the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the style classifications according to their peculiarities of the various kaftans as well as how kaftan gave important influences on custumes of different religious sects. The kaftan is a long coat-like garment with front openings fastened with long sash having an extra long sleeves which were worn by middle and high class nomadics throughout the West Central and North Eastern Asia This type of kaftans were a basic clothing for nomadics since they were constantly moving fromone to another areas on their horse back riding. They also wore tight trousers with boots. Kaftans seem to be originated from nomads of Steppe around B.C. 800 On B. C 400 west asian areas such as Solokha Kul-oba Kulogan had pictures sculptues on vases showing kaftans of half coat type length with front opening tied with band. Also the materials used were the products of animals such as wool or felt with animal designs showing Scythian nomads. In the North Eastern Asia Hsiung-Nu were active in Kazakha North Altai and Mongol The Clothing and fabrics exfavated near Noin-ula Pazyrik showed many samples of kaftan with trousers with other interment be-longings with a corpse around B.C 300 to A. D 100 when trades along the silk roads were proven by many historians Kaftans excavated in this area wore red front opening silk materials which suggesting settling down of nomads. in he central Asia Dol-gull near Altai mountain area were mainly miners who later had many trades with Persia and Bizantine. After Dol-gull Bezeklik temple Samarkant Kizil cow Budda sculture wall paintings of Astana tomb showed typical kaftan of this re-gion. These were both hip covered length as well as long coat with narrow sleeves. Es-pecially they had different color band fron the main kaftan with grogeously and splendously designed silk. In perusia during A. D 1400 to 1600 minia-ture illumination showed kaftan as a high class symbol more than clothing purpose. They had best quality silk with extra long sleeves draping and had a layers of kaftans one on top of anther as a symbol of wealth These Kaftans with different colors and designs were even more beautiful with their effective combinations and contrast of colors. On the other hand the lower class common people and servants wore simple kaftan with the front part of the kaftan were slipped into the belt in order to be more active and con-venient to work, The real kaftans discovered at Topkapi Saray palace of Turkey from A. D 1300 to 1900 were also compared. These kaftans were very numerous in numbers as well as designs The materials and designs used were also vari-ous such as Chinese to Italian silk. The shaped and pattern itself were not much different from the previous nomad's Kaftans. The Palestian kaftans remained were from the beginning of 19th and 20th century. Since this area is hot and dry desert they used black and navy blue colors mostly in order to exclude the sun lights. The patterns used were similar to Nomads and Bedouin with cross stiches and patch work decorations. In the central Asia they had similar life style and natural environmental cnditions with Turkish tribe which resulted in similar kaftan styles as nomads. Mongols conserved basic patterns of kaftan since Cinggis Khan with deep folding in order to keep warm. At last the kaftans studided in this thesis were classified in to four such as half coat long coat jacket and vest style. A pattern used in the Central Asia were zigzag and ani-mal design whereas in the West Asia were floral plant arabesk and circle pattern. As I discussed previously kaftan styles of nomads in the Asia maintained its basic pat-tern throughout the history except slight changes in color gusset sleeve shapes. These slight changes were made according to the need to adapt the need of environmental natu-ral conditions, The reason for aboriginality of kaftan in Asia was its simplicity and con-venience Most interesting fact is that for all these years Mongols are still wearing kaftan in their life ensuring us that they art the preserves of old kaftan. Since this thesis dealt enormous Asian regions I had a limitation of not being able to cover the Far Esatern asian areas such as Korea China and Japan how these kaftans were influenced in their clothing history as well as Eastern and Western culture. This topic along with the studies on materials and designs of patterns of kaftan will be another research project in the future.

• Horticultural Science & Technology
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.529-534
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• 2010

Occurrence of wilted symptom in watermelon plant ($Citrullus$ $lanatus$ L.) is known to be caused by physiological disorder. The symptom results in the loss of fruit production and thus the economical loss of watermelon growers. The incidence of symptom is often found from the middle of March to the end of May in the major watermelon crop production areas of Korea (i.e. Uiryeong, Gyeongnam (lat $37^{\circ}$56'64"N, long $126^{\circ}$99'97"E)). Despite of extensive information about the physiological disorder, little study has been conducted to understand a relationship between the wilted symptom and accompanying environment factors (e.g. temperature). This study aimed to investigate effects of environmental conditions amended by a forced-ventilation system on physiological characteristics of watermelon and incidence of the wilted symptom. Watermelon plants were grown from January to May, 2009 with either the forced-or natural-ventilation treatment in a greenhouse located in the Uiryeong. In the result, the forced-ventilation treatment decreased the air, leaf and root-zone temperature approximately $4.5^{\circ}C$, $5^{\circ}C$ and $3^{\circ}C$, respectively, compared to the natural-ventilation. The fruit growth rate was maximized twice during the entire growing period. The higher rate of fruit growth was observed under the natural-ventilation than the forced one. Maximization of the fruit growth rate (approximately 430 g per day) was first observed by 12 days after fruiting under the natural-ventilation treatment, while the second one (approximately 350 g per day) was observed by 24 days after fruiting. The wilted symptom started occurring by 22 days after fruiting under the natural-ventilation, whereas no incidence of the symptom was found under the forced-ventilation treatment. Interestingly, the forced-ventilation lowered the fruit growth rate (approximately 320 g per day) compared to the natural one. Maximization of the fruit growth rate under the forced-ventilation was found at 4 days later than that under the natural one. This result coincided with a slower plant growth under the forced-ventilation treatment. These results suggest that the forced-ventilation slows down extension growth of fruit and plant, which may be associated with lowering leaf temperature and saturation deficit. We suggest the hypothesis that the forced-ventilation may alleviate stress of the wilted symptom by avoiding extreme water evaporation from leaves due to high temperature and thus by reducing competition between leaves and fruits for water. More direct and detailed investigations are needed to confirm the effect of the forced ventilation.

• The Journal of the Korean Society for Microbiology
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.79-93
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• 1987

The result of various researches mainly in search of 194 Shigella strains, isolated by the Health Research Centers(situated in Seoul city, Inchon city, Pusan city, Kyonggi-Do, Kangwon-Do, Chungchongnam and Buk-Do, Kyongsangnam and Buk-Do, Jollanam and Buk-Do, and Jaeju-Do) in addition to those clinical laboratories of all the general hospitals situated down twon Seoul, conducted during the month of Jan. through Dec. 85, through the reisolating-activity program following its transportation into the laboratory, particularly for a complete check on its correctiveness, are as follows: 1. Isolation processes were performed with the 194 strains obtained from each placeduring the period of investigation: 164 Strains(84.5%) of Sh. flexneri, B group; 6 Strains(3.1%) of Sh. boydii, C group; 24 Strains(12.3%) of Sh. sonnei, D group, which means there's quite a lot in B group while Sh. dysenteriae, A group was not isolated at all. 2. The isolation rate of the 164, B group for subserotype was 1b, 84(51.2%) the highest one, 2(1.2%) on 3a the lowest one, 4, on C group; In D group subserotype II showed 14(58.4%) more than subserotype I. 3. The biological data on sexuality regarding the isolation-strain showed traditional particularity. But the subserotype 1b in B group 2(2.4%) showed gas-growth from glucose. In subserotype 1a, the indole-growth was 88.9% on masculine which was considerably a good one. In the test of arginine dihydrolase subserotype I among D group showed 100% masculine rate. The subserotype 6 among B group showed 92.5% masculine. In the dissolution test of manitol, all subserotypes showed 100% maculine except subserotype 1b. In the dissolutioning test of rhamnose, the subserotype I among D group showed 100% masculine which is the unusual one. 4. Interms of the area among 13 districts examined, Kangwon-Do had 41(21.1%) which is the highest one on its ratio. 5. In terms of season on the strain isolation category, 44(22.7%) is the number isolated in April which is the highest one. 6. In terms of ages, the strain isolation ratio was notably high above the ages of 60 which was 34(17.5%). Next one was 29(14.9%) which was under the ages of 4. 7. In terms of sex, female was 113 or 58.2% while male was 74 or 38.2%, which means the female had more than the male. 8. The result of the resisting capability on the usage of 12 antibiotic medication was; 100% on chloramphenicol; 94.3% on tetracycline, 82.0% on streptomycin, 76.3% on carbenicillin, 74.7% on ampicillin, in regular order. The strain source bearing multimedication resisivity against the 5 antibiotic medication is as many as 117 or 60.3%. Of which 43.3% of 1b sub serotype, B group was the best one, and thus the resistivity against the antistrain medication seems the tendency is being changed. The summing up of the above result shows the total specific strains isolated in each branch in Korea is 194, of which the main type is Sh. flexneri 84.5%. The isolating rate is almost evenly spreading, although the Kangwon-Do showed the highest rate on the above data. It also shows female is higher than male on its statistics. The tendency on age category showed both on old and infancy generations high. However, the resistant capability against antibacteria medication or vaccine was still remaining on habitual one, particularly tending towards multimedication or vaccine trend.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.14-28
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• 2010

By philological geography method for dismantling and reconstituting Buyeo's Palkyung(扶餘 八景), which best signify the image of ancient city Buyeo's landscape, this research is to demonstrate the fact that the place's inertia of certain historic sites has been passed down as a type of geographic code. Titled poems and retrospective poems about Buyeo's Palkyung and its spectacles and landscapes reveal the fact that the splendid and glorious cultural heritage of Baekje had faded but its traces have remained in the each eight views including Nakhwa-am(落花巖), Goran-sa(皐蘭寺), and Jayong-dae(釣龍臺). In addtion, the spectacles and historic sites of Buyeo's Palkyung appear as the symbol of Baekje's fall and loss in the poems. Thus, it can be said that Buyeo's culture and civilization have never escaped from the cultural and historical scars of Baekhe's fall, being dominated by the place's inertia originated from the identity as "Baekje'slastcapital". It is ironical that Buyeo's future development and prosperity are not free from its cultural and historical spectacles which bear the image of the fall of Baekje. 'Older Buyeos' Palkyung(扶餘舊八景)' and, Prior Buyeo's Palkyung(夫餘前八景), originate from nine views of an unknown builder and after the construction of pavilions and towers, 'Subuk-jeong eight views(水北亭八景)' by Heungguk Kim(金興國) and the eight poems of the, Retrospect of Buyeo(扶餘懷古八景), were created. 'Buyeo's later Palkyung(扶餘後八景), which are especially free from the site's inertia are known to have expanded the scope of Buyeo's landscape by deliberately demonstrating spectacles and sites different from those of existing views. Nakhwa-am, Goran-sa, Joryong-dae, Songwal-dae(送月臺), Youngwal-dae(迎月臺), and Pyungje-tap(平濟塔) are all located within a one kilometer radius of Banwol-sung(半月城), Buyeo's palace and the Baekma river(白馬江), Daewang-po(大旺浦), Busan(浮山) in a two kilometers radius. Jaon-dae(自溫臺), Subuk-jeong(水北亭), and Gyuam-jin(窺岩津) are located within a three kilometers radius. Even Chunjeong-dae(天政臺), which are located within a four kilometers radius of Banwol-sung are located alongside the Baekma river. This indicates the fact that these spectacles had not been established temporarily or impromptu but for a long period time by historic retrospect and the inertia of landscape's geographic cycle. In conclusion, the geographic phenomenon of historical and cultural inertia appeared because Buyeo had the geographic message of "fallen, ancient city". Therefore, Buyeo's Palkyung which have constant retrospective inertia is clearly an geographic code effective and helpful to understand not only the characteristics of historic sites and spectacles of Buyeo in the Sabi period but also the quality of the site itself.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.65-73
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• 2022

This paper analyzed the characteristics of ancient villages in Hongcun and the method of resetting the preservation area for the preservation of the changed historical and cultural space in Hongcun through the process of change. To this end, the current status of preservation areas and utilization areas in the village was identified through ancient documents, old paintings, policy materials, and interviews related to the village, and through this, the problem of resetting the preservation area was examined. As a result, the following conclusions were drawn. First, Hongcun is a village built under the influence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and the spatial organization was created according to the hierarchy of Confucianism. As a result, it was possible to inherit and preserve the heritage of ancestors even though the central government did not preserve it. Second, the concept of preservation in a limited sense has been applied as Hongcun has been recognized as a cultural heritage that has been passed down since ancient times, but the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution brought about changes in the village space. Since then, ancient buildings, water systems, and forests have been preserved through regulations on new construction and expansion of a building with the Hongchon preservation plan, but the development within the preservation area is underway due to changes in the lives of original inhabitants, which were followed by continued development pressure and reform and opening. Third, the original inhabitant of ancient villages had a high perception of the value of the heritage, but they demanded the preparation of measures to improve living conditions and create profits, and the active use of villages for this. Fourth, the forest consisting of old trees is being restored, but the gardens in the old house are showing a phenomenon that the garden space is reduced or transformed for use. The bridges and parking lots were newly built in the southern area, which was extended from the western area, the original entrance to the ancient village, resulting in changes in the existing entrance. This was found to be the primary cause of the spatial change of the ancient village, as the road system was modified to make it convenient for tourists to enter and exit. Fifth, the existing preservation area should be reset and preserved by resetting the preservation route centered on Wolso(half Moon Pool), while the surrounding area should be set as a direct and indirect experience space, and according to the hierarchy of each space, the utilization should proceed while the preservation is carried out by crossing the preservation and the utilization.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.39 no.3 s.178
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• pp.213-227
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• 2006

The geochemical evolution of mine drainage and leachate from waste rock dumps and stream water in Pb-As-rich abandoned Sechang mine area was investigated to elucidate mechanisms of trace metals. Total and sequential extractions were applied to estimate the distribution of trace metals in constituent phases of the waste rocks and to assess the mobility of trace metals according to physicochemical conditions. These discharged waters varied largely in chemical composition both spatially and temporally, and included cases with significant]y low pH (in the range 2.1-3.3), and extremely sulphate (up to 661 mg/l and metal contents (e.g. up to 169 mg/l for Zn, 27 mg/l for As, 3.97 mg/l for Pb, 2.99 mg/l for Cu, and 1.88 mg/l for Cd). Arsenic and heavy metal concentrations at the down-stream of Sechang mine have been decreased nearly to the background level in downstream sites (sites 8 and 16) without any artificial treatments. The oxidation of Fe-sulfides and the subsequent hydrolysis, of Fe(II), with precipitation of poorly crystallized minerals, constituted an efficient mechanism of natural attenuation which reduces considerably the transference of trace metals (i.e. Fe and As) to rivers. The dilution of drainage by mixing with pristine waters provoked an additional decrease of trace metal concentrations and a progressive pH increase. On the other hand, the most soluble cations (i.e. Zn) remained significantly as dissolved solutes until the pH was raised to approximately neutral values. With respect to ecotoxicity, it is likely that the Zn pollution is of particular concern in Sechang mine area. This was confirmed by the sequential extraction experiment, where Zn in wet waste-rock samples occurred predominantly in the exchangeable fraction (65-89% of total), while Pb was the highest in the reducible and carbonate fractions, and Cd, Cu and As in the residual fraction. Pb concentration in the readily available exchangeable fraction (34-48% of total) was dominated for dried waste rock samples. Considering the proportion of metals bound to the exchangeable and carbonate fractions, the comparative mobility of metals probably decreased in the order of Zn>Pb>Cd>As=Cu.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.51 no.spc1
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• pp.12-20
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• 2006

This study was carried out to investigate the relationship between each quality characteristics and changes of grain quality according to storage temperature and moisture contents of rough rice of Dongjin 1 and Siodongjinbyeo. Respiration rate of rough rice and fat acidity of brown rice were increased with moisture contents of rough rice and storage temperature. Germination rate of rough rice was the highest at $17{\sim}18%$ moisture contents of rough rice stored at low temperatures for 12 months. Germiation rate of the stored at low temperature after 16 months was up to 80% however the rate of $13{\sim}14%$ moisture contents of rough rice stored at room temperature was severely decreased to below the 10%. Gloss value of cooked rice was increased with moisture contents of rough rice and the lower storage temperature. Fat acidity of brown rice was lower in Sindongjinbyeo than Dongjin 1 at the lower storage temperature. Sensory score of cooked rice of Sindongjinbyeo which stored at low temperature for 16 months was better than Dongjin 1 and excllent at $17{\sim}18%$ moisture contents of rough rice. Correlations between sensory score of cooked rices and color b value of brown rice, gloss value of cooked rice and color L value of brown rice were significant 0.731**, 0.625*, and 0.615*, resectively, and were also positively significant correlated with break down, peak viscosity, pasting temperature, and fat acidity of brown rice -0.864**, -0.795**, -0.786**, and -0.779**, respectively.