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Material Analysis and Surface Condition Monitoring of Standing Buddha Statue in the Gwanchoksa Temple, Nonsan, Korea (논산 관촉사 석조미륵보살입상의 재질분석과 표면상태 변화 모니터링)

  • Lee, Myeong Seong;Choie, Myoungju;Yoo, Ji Hyun;Ahn, Yu Bin
    • The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.227-236
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    • 2019
  • Medium to coarse-grained biotite granodiorite was used to build the Standing Buddha Statue in the Gwanchoksa temple. An ancient document revealed the period and place of constructing the statue: it was made in the northwest of Mt. Banyasan and then moved eastward. Also, the comparison of standing Buddha statue and basement rock in terms of texture, magnetic susceptibility, and gamma spectrometer shows that they have similar characteristics, which is considered to be the same provenance rock. The damage caused by surface contaminants observed in the statue seems to be a combined effect of environmental factors and aging of the epoxy resin. After removal of the contaminants in 2007, the contamination has resumed, and continuous monitoring is necessary. Algal engraftment becomes faster when biological contamination occurs on the surface of stone cultural heritage. Since the secondary lichen growth forms a symbiosis with mold, it is necessary to observe the spatial and distributional changes. Also, the aging epoxy resin may cause secondary damage due to contaminants generated due to the determination of salts, and deterioration of bonding strength due to breaking out. Thus it is desirable to secure stability through proper conservation management.

The Literature Study about the Origin of Sipgan-Sipiji (십간십이지의 기원에 관한 문헌적 고찰)

  • Na, Hyeok-Jin;Kim, Ki-Seung
    • Industry Promotion Research
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.117-124
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this paper is to find out the origin and significance of Sipgan-Sipiji that Yinyang and five elements are assigned. By looking at the hypotheses that Sipgan-Sipiji may have originated from the ancient Chinese calendar, the contents of the materials recorded in the classical literature, and the records left in the Oracle bone script, we wanted to explore the starting point of Sipgan-Sipiji in Eastern humanities and social sciences that could never be overlooked. Through the literature review of Sipgan-Sipiji, the researcher believes that this code system was completed by Hwangje and his teacher Daeyo, who led paternal clan society in the latter part of the Chinese Neolithic Age, because of supporting the use of the October calendar associated with Sipgan, and because Sipgan in the Oracle bone script seems to keep the sacredness and at the same time to be used to document the time. I believe that this consideration of Sipgan-Sipiji will be helpful for future related research in the process of underlying the research effort of Myeongri Science, such as the security of the logic of the theoretical framework for the theory system and the proof through statistical social science techniques.

Quality Characteristics of Hwanggeumju as a Traditional Home-Brewed Liquor (전통 가양주인 황금주의 품질 특성)

  • Baek, Seong Yeol;Kim, Joo-Yeon;Baek, Chang Ho;Choi, Ji-Ho;Choi, Han-Seok;Jeong, Seok-Tae;Yeo, Soo-Hwan
    • Food Science and Preservation
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.127-133
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    • 2013
  • The quality characteristics of Hwanggeumju (a type of traditional Korean rice wine), which has been described in an ancient document (Sangayorok), were investigated. During its fermentation, its pH gradually decreased from 4.23 to 3.96); and after four days of fermentation, its sugar content significantly decreased. After seven days, its alcohol content rapidly increased to 15.8 percent. Its major organic acid is lactic acid, but malic, succinic, citric and acetic acid were also detected in it. The free amino acid analysis showed relatively high alanine, arginine, asparagine, glutamic acid and leucine contents. The sensory evaluation resulted in high scores for color, turbidity and taste.

The Tendency of the Written Test Questions for the History of Korean Landscape Architecture in National Qualification Test of a Landscape Engineer (조경기사 필기시험 중 한국조경사 문제의 출제 경향)

  • So, Hyun-Su;Lim, Eui-Je
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.33 no.2
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    • pp.89-102
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    • 2015
  • This study contemplates the tendency of the examination questions for History of Korean Landscape Architecture. The study targets the questions of 'Landscape Architecture History' which has been set in the written test for National Qualification Test of a landscape engineer for recent 10 years from 2005 to 2014 and derives analyzable items based on the guidelines of question-setting presented by Human Resources Development Service of Korea. The results of the study are drawn as follows. First, among 5 areas composing Landscape History, the proportion of Korean Landscape questions is getting increased while that of Western ones is decreasing. Second, about 30 traditional trees and 11 types of traditional landscape elements including traditional facilities were shown in Korean Landscape questions. Besides, history, geographic, practical science, horticulture, anthology books and the 25 tradition landscape-related historic documents categorized as the garden painting data were found. And the kings from ancient era to Choseon Dynasty who were associated with the time of palace garden building, the builders or owners of the villas, the authors of the document and Chinese scholars also appeared. Third, there were no the questions of prehistoric times and Balhae Kingdom, whereas those of Choseon Dynasty were dominantly focused. Among the traditional sites of Choseon Dynasty, Byeolseo(villas) were set most, followed by Dosung or Gung-gweol(castle towns or palaces), houses, Nu Jeong Dea(pavilions) and Seowon(local schools) in order. Nak-an eupseong and Yong-ju sa were the only cases for a castle town and a temple each. Fourth, being associated with tradition spaces, the questions asked for understanding the detailed contents of time of sites' construction, builders, location features, building structures, ground plan types and the components s of garden. In addition, as a result of checking whether traditional landscape sites were shown in the set questions in 9 Korean Landscape textbooks, Dongchundang, Pungamjeonsa, Simgogseowon did not appeared. As a result of reviewing the tendency of the examination questions for History of Korean Landscape Architecture, the questions which ask minor facts without generality and which include difficult information and site uncomprehended in the textbook should be reconsidered.

The Comparison between "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the Hundred Schools of the Contents about Funeral Rites (『의례』와 선진 제자서의 상례 비교)

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.59
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    • pp.215-240
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    • 2018
  • In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

A Study on the Distribution, Contents and Types of Stone Inscription of Wuyi-Gugok in China (중국 무이구곡 바위글씨(石刻)의 분포와 내용 및 유형에 관한 연구)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Cheng, Zhao-Xia;Kim, Hong-Gyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.115-131
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    • 2020
  • Through literature research and field investigation, this paper attempts to study the distribution, morphology and the typification of the visual and perceptual stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok of China. The results are as follows: First, there are 350 stone inscriptions in total from the 1st Gok to 9th Gok in Wuyi-Gugok. Second, according to the analysis of the stone inscription distribution, 74(21.2%) stone inscriptions in the 5th Gok, 67(19.2%) in the 6th Gok, 65(18.6%) in the 1st Gok, 60(17.2%) in the 2nd Gok and 53(15.2%) in the 4th Gok are confirmed. The above five Goks contain 319(91.1%) stone inscriptions, so they have rich cultural landscape. Third, according to the survey, the number of the stone inscriptions existed in the Sugwangseok of the 1st Gok are 41(22.6%), in the Homagan of Cheonyubong of the 6th Gok are 29(8.3%), in the Jesiam of the 4th Gok are 23(6.6%), in the Nyeongam of the 2nd Gok are 22(6.3%), in the Hyangseongam of the 6th Gok are 21(6%), in the Unwa of the 5th Gok are 19(5.4%), in the Bokhoam of the 5th Gok are 18(5.1%), in the Eunbyeongbong of the 5th Gok are 17(4.9%), in the Daejangbong of the 4th Gok are 14(4%), in the Daewangbong of the 1st Gok and the Geumgokam of the 4th Gok are 12(3.4%). Thus, a total of 228 (65.1%) stone inscriptions are concentrated in these 11 sites, which represent the popularity and cultural value of these rocks. Fourth, the stone inscription of Wuyi-Gugok, praising the landform and topographical geological landscape of Mount Wuyi, mainly describe the scenic name of each Gok related to Zhu Xi's Gugok culture, appreciate Zhu Xi's tracks and the stone inscription in the sacred land of Neo-Confucianism culture, and also record the Confucian edification of mencius thoughts, Muigun(武夷君) and the myths and legends related to the site names of Wuyi mountain, which can remind people of the worldview of the celestial paradise where the gods live and the fairyland of the land of peach blossoms. In addition, it indicates that the historical and cultural landscape, which is full of colorful history and myths and legends, including allusions related to Confucian, buddhist and Taoist celebrities and the ancestor ancient things related to traditional culture of China is very diverse. Fifth, the results of the classification, based on the content of the stone inscription in Wuyi-Gugok, are classified as the scenery name inscription, the praise scene inscription, the recording travel inscription, the recording event inscription, the philosophy inscription, the expressing emotion inscription, the religion inscription, the inscription for auspiciousness, the slogan and expressing ambition inscription and the official document notice inscription, among which there are 102(29.1%) praise scene inscriptions, 93(26.6%) scenery name inscriptions and 61(17.4%) recording travel inscriptions. The stone inscriptions of Wuyi-Gugok have the characteristics of the special emphasis on scenery names, landscape praise and commemorative tours. Sixth, the analysis of the intertext between the 「Figure of Wuyi-Gugok」 and Wuyi-Gugok rock letters, in the study found that the method of propagation between media was mostly the method of propagation of quotations and maintained intermedia through extension, repetition, extension, and compression.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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