• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.185-214
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into the forms of master archer Huhdai Mergen from Mongolian mythology and his character through archery. In Mongolian mythology, master archer Huhdai Mergen is usually connected to the regulation of the sun, the moon, and the stars in Heaven and the creation of stars. Such a series of acts are conducted through archery, which used to be performed as an incantatory ritual to resolve a disaster in life, dispel an evil spirit, and pray for affluence as well as for hunting. In Mongolian mythology, Huhdai Mergen is a master archer and hunter that rises to Heaven while hunting a deer and becomes Sirius with the deer becoming Orion. The Mongolian have believed that the two constellations protect them since ancient times. While Orion is related to the deer totem, Huhdai Mergen or Sirius is related to the wolf totem faith. Huhdai Mergen takes too much pride in his archery skills and ends up causing damage to himself, which can be understood as a pattern of controlling the power of personified Huhdai Mergen through excessive natural force. He also has something to do with Polaris, which is regarded as the stake to bind his horse to by the Mongolian. They also believe that their ancestral gods reside in the horse stake or column. The stake is the residence of Huhdai Mergen protecting the Mongolian people, which reflects his aspect as an ancestral god. He is also depicted as the god of thunder and lightning born in a cow. The stones he throws and the arrows he shoots in Heaven are the embodiments of thunder and lightning. The Mongolian have understood lightning of dispelling an evil spirit and striking wicked things as the arrow of Huhdai Mergen. The god of thunder and lightning has the attributes of a fertility god such as eliminating bad devils and bringing affluence. Huhdai Mergen is also manifested as the creator to create the earth and the savior to save mankind. Such forms all derive from his archery skills.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.121-135
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• 1999

Korean Traditional Houses had been composed of several territory. Sarang-Chae was territorialized from the functional differentiation and the sexual discrimination of Confucianism. The territory of ancestral shrine was formed with the filial duty of Confucianism. Korean Traditional Houses have the visible, material boundary and invisible, symbolic boundary which is repeated into the inner space. Korean Traditional Houses are appreciated as the enclosed territory which the sacred inner space of the house is in opposition with the profane outer space, and the inner space of the house has hierarchical boundary by the hierarchy of the house god.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.125-143
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• 2005

This study offers an analysis of how Protestant Christianity in South Korea incorporated many beliefs and practices of Korean traditional religions in order to make the new faith more appealing to the masses. The paper also examines the way in which specific Protestant doctrines and practices were modified or accentuated to suit the disposition of the Korean people. In agreement with Confucianism, for example, Protestant churches in general emphasized the values of diligence, self-cultivation, righteous living, and, most importantly, filial piety. By overtly and subtly permitting ancestral rites to be conducted by Christians, moreover, Protestant Christianity evaded successfully the potential alienation of the tradition-bound Koreans. From Buddhism, Protestant Christianity syncretized such elements as the daily dawn prayer and all-night prayer as well as the practices of baekilgido ("a hundred-day prayer") and chunilgido ("a thousand-day prayer"). Hundreds of prayer centers that exist deep in the mountains also manifest a Buddhist influence. Shamanistic influences are also evident in Korean Protestantism, replete with the latter's emphasis on this-worldly success (health, prosperity, long life, etc.), faith healing, and conceptualization of God as being merciful and generous. What all of this reveals is that Christian conversion in South Korea did not involve an exclusivistic change of religious affiliation, meaning that it did not require the repudiation of traditionally held beliefs. Instead, millions of South Koreans eagerly embraced Protestant Christianity precisely because the new faith was advanced as an extension or continuation of traditional religious practices.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.24-47
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• 2013

This study focused on the constructional concepts, landscape design techniques and changes made of the Sandan(山壇) area in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace based on the spatial organization of the zone. The results of this study are as below. Constructional layers that have been maintained throughout the centuries from King Injo(仁祖), King Sukjong(肅宗), King Sunjo(純祖), the Japanese colonial period to the present, were found in the Sandan area. The Sandan area, which was developed with the establishment of Chuiseungjeong(取勝亭) during the ruling of King Injo(仁祖), was created as a resting place for the King, and its usage continued until King Sukjong(肅宗) built Nakminjeong(樂民亭). However, the whole area was reorganized to host ritual ceremonies, where ancestral rites were performed for the mountain gods, after Sandan and Baekunsa(白雲社) were built during King Gojong's reign, before the drawing of 'Painting of Eastern Palaces(東闕圖).' The architectural component used then appears to have been designed to serve ancestral ritual formalities for the god of land, or to satisfy the religious desires of the royal family not fulfilled by Confucian courtesy. These are characteristics that define the Sandan area. Meanwhile, the analysis of the ground plan of the Changdeokgung Palace revealed that the Sandan had been maintained until the Japanese colonial era, but was removed sometime after liberation. The area underwent extensive reform in the early 1970s, when the whole area was developed into a tourist destination called Bingcheon(氷泉). Then, a new road that runs through Bingcheon was laid, and the present condition reflects the construction result of the time. An interview with a person who had taken part in the repair work in the 1970s confirmed that the construction work at the time had the goal of establishing two drainage systems for drinking water and copied the Okryuchon(玉流川) well.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.23
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• pp.241-292
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• 2014

This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.8
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• pp.151-173
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• 2006

Even in this current high-tech industrial age, mythological imagination is considered important. Although each mythology scattered all across the world may have an insignificant origin, to understand that particular society fully, one must not mistakenly assume that the mythology itself is a production of a primitive mind. Ultramodern physics and futurology professor Freeman Dyson has also acknowledged this opinion. He insists that in order for human kind to survive into the far future it most keep in touch with its far past. Levi-Strauss also observes that mythology and science aren't a entirely separate domains. The scientific mind is regarded as a source of understanding the intrinsic qualities of mythology. Taking mythology and science as a binomial opposition, and only weighing their prospects, should be put to the past as we should recognize the need for mythology and science's qualitative unification. In this new point of view, regarding mythology as a meaningless irrationality should cease, while finding out why the inevitably related world of mythology needs metaphoric, ideological consideration. By utilizing 'Whale Rider' by Witi Ihimaera(2004) we will discover why our lives require an 'image' that is borrowed from our experience. The author, Witi Ihimaera, is originally from the Maori tribe, who approaches the world with a mythological imagination, which is not easy to understand with scientific thinking nor in modern civilization. When looking into the mythology of the ocean which still lives in modern civilization, while noting that the world is one, the author indicates that reality and unreality, nature and the super-natural, present and the past, science and fantasy, were not divided from the beginning. However, overtime humans have divided the borders. To do this, the author interprets the ancient emotions of the Maori tribe which have been traditionally accumulated in the group identity in a new literary way by introducing the Maori tribe's ancestral god, Paikia, who can converse with the ocean and the whales. This piece, which has been made into a movie and won awards in 5 international film festivals, including the Toronto International Film Festival, regards primitive emotions as a rational concept instead of an instrumental concept. Also these primative emotions are continuing their attempts to communicate with nature. Furthermore, it advises contemporary human beings who seek for eternal life to not exploit the cultural differences that have been formed naturally, and it is vital for human beings to transcend the ethnic boundaries and to think rationally. In the story, we can find "the dissimilar us" that philosopher E. Levinas mentioned in his sayings, which refers to responsible human beings who devote their lives for the sake of other people instead of fulfilling their own needs.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.123-159
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• 2010

Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.