• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.15
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• pp.355-387
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• 2008

The purpose of the study was to decide Korean translation and the copying period of "Korean Translation of " and to look all around their characteristics in different versions carefully until now. The "Korean Translation" is a collection of Korean-translated romance and love stories excavated by a professor Kim,Il Geun, and there is not a little meaning in the context of novel history in the point of view of 'Korean translation of a court possession'. Arranging conclusion of the study generally, it is as follows. (1) Considering phonological phenomena, grammar and vocabulary in the study of Korean language, it is presumed that they would be translated into Korean and copied between the regime period of the King Sukjong and the regime period of the King Yungjo in the Joseon Dynasty. For, they were composed of a middle declaration of copied 'Myeoknambon "Korean Translation of Taepyeonggwanggi(태평광기)"' and 'NakseonJaebon(낙선재본)' between the middle of the 17th century and the middle of the 18th century and the regime period of the King Jeongjo in the Joseon Dynasty appointed as the background period of the novels should be excepted. Consequently, through the Korean Translation, we can confirm that the novel scope between the 17th century and the 18th century in Korean novel history was widened until 'The Royal Court' and 'Women'. (2) In the side of vocabulary, the "Korean Translation" also has not a little meaning in the side of a collection translated in the Royal Court. It doesn't have new vocabularies, but partial vocabularies as '(Traces:痕)' '(Clean eyes:明眸)', ' (Sail:帆)', '(Get up:起)', '글이플(Weak grass:弱草)', '쇼록(Owl:? 梟 or 鴉?)', '이 사라심(This life:此生)', and '노혀오매(Look for:訪)' are good data in the study of Korean language. (3) The "Korean Translation" is a valuable data about translation and copying of a court novel and we can discover intentionally changed parts and partially omitted sentences rather in the than in the . There are differences between a translation book and a copying book and we can catch sight of intention of translation and unsettledness of copying in the second work. Therefore, we can know that the "Korean Translation" has a double context which one work is translated and a work in different version is derived, compared to a simple copy. (4) The "Korean Translation" has a close relation with "Hangoldong(閒汨董)", but it doesn't regard the same copy as a foundation. The basic copy of translation of the "Korean Translation" is a different version of the same line as "Hangoldong" and "Jeochobon(저초본:정명기 소장본)" and is more similar line to "Hangoldong", but it is also not the same basic copy. (5) Considering that the "Korean Translation" doesn't has a distinct relation with the "Hangoldong", there is no correlation between the "Korean Translation" and and the "Hangoldong" and . In addition, we could not discover a writer's identity between the two.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.502-516
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• 2002

Imwonshibyukji is a copying manuscript written around 1825, the 27th year of king Soonjo of the Chosun Period. It is a massive home encyclopedia of total 52 books and 100 volumes. It was quoted from many Chinese literatures The unpublished 'Jeongjoji'of its 17-20th volumes was analyzed to study the cooking methods on the Korean rice cakes (dduck) and studied for the degree of their usefulness and medical values in the light of the cooking and processing science. The book introduced 6 kinds of Korean rice cake: sirudduck (steamed rice cake), chinundduck (steamed and struck rice cake), zizinundduck (small oil fried rice cake), danggui (steamed rice cake mixed with rice power and honey), hondon (=danja: boiled and stuffed rice cake) and butu (fermented rice cake), all of which were composed of total 64 items. The main materials fur the Korean rice cake were as follows: sirudduck and butu were nonwaxy rice powder, chinundduct dinggui and hondon were glutinous rice powder, and zizinundduck was wheat flour. The side material was mainly natural food with the effect of a medicine. The literatures quoted in Imwonshibyukji are as follows: 4 Korean books including Ongheejabji were quoted total 28 times (41.5%), 5 Chinese books including Junsengpaljeon were quoted total 35times (52.2%), and I Japanese book Whawhansamjedohoi was quoted total 4 times (6.0%). The Korean rice cakes quoted in the Korean literature so far exist but the Chinese ones no longer exist. In the comparative analysis of Imwonshibyukji and other contemporary literatures, Chosunmoossangsinsikyorijebub was the most similar one to the book among others.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.65-71
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• 2009

The end of the 1990s due to the rapid development of Internet communications and two-way communication advertising, public relations, online music, video, movies, e-Book, and distribution of digital content is actively underway. The combination of Internet and TV, as well as born of IPTV and interactive digital content industry's future has become a key industry. However, these two-way communication that illegal adult sites, illegal Bulletin, illegal Ads, PR, shopping mall, illegal music copying, video replication, such as negative due to the emergence of IPTV and is always around us and should be recognized. For example, on the Internet, which has been operating in the ocean sounds from the music copyright issue, the prosecution decided to prosecute because of the digital cultural content, copyright issues has become an important issue. Status and issues of this paper to learn the digital content, using intelligence to solve these problems, two-way communication advertising, public relations and practice of digital content, practices and courses of students vulnerable to offers for the analysis simulation.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.331-346
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to research into the characteristics of the printed hooks of ${\ulcorner}$Ch'un-ch'iu(春秋)${\lrcorner}$ commentary in Chosun dynasty by analyzing the types and forms of the existing printed books through the investigation of the bibliographic records of the books. To achieve this purpose, this study selected some of the 'Chak-pan' catalog(冊板目錄) printed in Chosun dynasty which has relatively clear and accurate history and investigated the block printing's condition of the printed books of ${\ulcorner}$Ch'un-ch'iu(春秋)${\lrcorner}$ commentary. In addition. a comprehensive book catalog of ${\ulcorner}$Ch'un-ch'iu(春秋)${\lrcorner}$ commentary was created by retrieving old book catalog from databases by several authoritative information centers and university libraries. Based on this catalog, this research created a new 'Union Catalog(綜合書目)' which contains bibliographies of the ${\ulcorner}$Ch'un-ch'iu(春秋)${\lrcorner}$ commentary through field investigations by identifying, picture-taking. and copying the real books. The new union catalog functions as the basis of the bibliographic analysis of this research.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.387-414
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• 2009

This paper seeks to provide an overview on the newly-discovered manuscript in gasa style. It is significant in that the entire in gasa style has not been seen before, although occasionally scripts incorporate sijo or gasa as inserted songs. The author of this manuscript is believed to be Bae Hyung (裵珩: ?-?), who lived in Daegachon, Yongdu-Myun, Sunchon-Gun in Jeonra-Namdo Province. It is estimated that the manuscript was written in April of King Gojong 37 years (year 1900). This , so-called the Yang Jee-Uk Collection Script, applies Samdan Pyunun Daewoo Method (三段片言對偶法), using Jongbae style (縱排法) to over 27 pagesof the book. The author seems to have collected the main scenes of and changed them into gasa style. It is also possible to postulate that the author might have simply divided the lines to make it resemble the existing gasa style, as the original was already in the form of lyrics. There are a few mistakes found in the manuscript. They seem to have been made while the author was recording the sung P'ansori, rather than while copying from a different manuscript.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.