• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.55-80
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• 2014

Park, Se-dang criticized or accepted Zhuxi's annotation with his own way of understanding Confucian classics. His way of understanding Zhuxi can explain through the motive of writing his book, sabyeonrok and his basic view of scripture interpretation in the book. He thought one can achieve learning from lower to upper level. That means it is good for one to study from text easy to reach and attain, grasp. But if one begin to study from text or contents hard to understand, that will make to lose the proper way or province to the value of learning. This is what Park, Se-dang's basic point of interpreting Confucian classics, called 'learning from lower to upper level.' Park, Se-dang gave high praise Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi and Zhuxi who recreated confucianism into world from darkness. He thought Cheng-Zhu school corrected confucian's ways of learning went wrong from Chinese Han. So we need to reconsider the assessment of his view as anti?post-Zhuxi. He also thought there were a lot of way to understand Confucian classics. He insisted Zhuxi's way of annotating Confucian classics was one of them, and so as his. He understood Zhuxi's thought in this way of thinking and his academic method of 'learning from lower to upper level.' Therefore to interpretate Confucian classics new way he criticised or accepted Zhuxi's way of annotating scripture though his own way of understanding Confucian classics and academic method of 'learning from lower to upper level.'

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.39-62
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• 2013

Zhuxi explains that the relationship between weifa已發 and yifa已發, is basically that between the homogenious whole and the brilliant tiaoli條理; the nature in its weifa state exists as an undifferentiable entirety, while its respective tiaoli is brilliant but inherent. According to this idea, we will find that the core of the self cultivating theory in Zhuxi's philosophy is cunyang存 養 and xingcha省察. Cunyang is the gongfu工夫 of the jingshi靜時 or weifa; applying the means to the extremes; it is a perfecting the whole of the substance, its contents is to preserve the heavenly principles and the method is keeping oneself gravely as if think carefully. Xingcha is the gongfu of the dongshi動時 or yifa, applying he和 to the extremes; it is a contemplation of ji幾, its contents is to curb human desires and the method is in not deceiving oneself.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.473-507
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to understand Zhuxi's Taoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) by reorganizing both his political opinion in each different political situation and his consistent political consciousness appeared in his whole political career. He concluded that the politics was the real problematic in Southern Sung, which made its structure distorted. This distorted structure of politics had widely rooted in whole sphere of society. In order to cure this political problematic, Zhuxi had focused on huangdi(皇帝) and chaoting(朝廷). That is why people is the basis of State and the result of politics, while huangdi and chaoting is the basis of politics and the beginnig of politics. According to Zhuxi, forming their political power group of their own will by using huangdi's power, the political elites close to only to huangdi made the function of chaoting unstable, with the result that the political decay produced. In chaoting, it resulted in the weakness of huangdi's power, the collapse of official discipline(紀綱), and the absence of public opinion(公論) and public aggreement(公議). Beyond chaoting, it resulted in the absence of political trust and the degeneration of public morals(風俗). In the Southern Sung were not altered the political orientation and culture based on the political decay, but only political orientation and characteristics of political elite only altered. This proves Zhuxi's approach that all problems in Southern Sung could resolve by the political approach. Zhuxi had suggested political issues in office. The alternatives for those political issues had basis of the theme, the one that saving people(恤民) is the purpose of politics. However his political ideas and the execution of them had been occsionally collapsed by the complex political structue, the mechanisms of political power, and the sameness and privatization of political geography in Southern Sung. Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) was the final stage of his political frustration, with the result that it led to the failure of Zhuxi's taoxuezhengzhi and interrupted the tradition of taoxue(道學) for the time being.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.437-464
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• 2010

The article, focusing on the theory of Zhong-He, sheds a new light on the philosophy of Daizhen. The theory of Zhong-He, according to the philosophical system of Zhuxi, serves as the theoretical foundation in erecting the apriori moral nature and guiding mental cultivation of subjects. Daizhen, on the contrary, criticizes the doctrine of Zhonghe in Zhuxi's philosophy as it produces negative side-effects of moral dogmatism. Zhuxi's doctrine, according to Daizhen, as it reduce the origin of morality to apriori condition of consciousness and delimit the range of cultivation to psychological realm of subjects, restricts moral subjects in the fortress of their own subjectivity. In this vein of his criticism, Daizhen attempts new interpretation on Zhonghe. The character Zhong (中), according to him, does not refer to apriori moral state or metaphysical moral substance as it does in the doctrine of Zhuxi. On the contrary, it denotes the state in which diverse existent beings are placed in their own position by their own dispositions. Similarly, the other character He (和) does not refer to the condition where an individual's consciousness is in equilibrium, but to the process of achieving the harmony of entire society in which diverse existent beings are communicating to each other. With his novel interpretation of the theory of Zhong-He, Daizhen could dissolve the tradition of Weifa (未發) and moral subjectivism in Zhuxi's philosophy and provide a way of establishing reciprocal communication and harmony between various individuals. It is in his ethics of rational mutual understanding where the significance of Daizhen's philosophy should be found.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.121-134
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• 2016

Objectives : This thesis analyzes how Song Dynasty(宋代) Confucianism(儒學) has influenced the Oriental Medicine during Geumwon Dynasty(金元代). Methods : This paper will compare with the literature of Zhuxi and the Oriental Medicine scholars of Jin(金) Yuan(元), and search for the correlation of the Confucianism(儒學) and the Oriental Medicine(東洋醫學). Results : During the era of Jin(金) Yuan(元), Confucian physicians(儒醫) were met a new phase of Medicine(醫學) by systematizing the clinical medicine and theory based on the Neo-Confucianism. Conclusions : This study recognizes how the era of Jin(金) Yuan(元) Confucian physicians(儒醫) medically perceived and reinterpreted the aspect of Zhuxi's Neo-Confucianism and theory of Changes.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.7-18
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• 2021

This paper studied the origin of Myeongnyundang(明倫堂), the common name of the main lecture halls at confucian schools in ancient China. Through an extensive investigation of local chronicles, biographies, decrees and construction essays, it found the first Myeongnyundang were titled on the main hall of a local school in the early Southern Song(南宋) period, and it might become the most popular name due to Zhuxi (朱熹), a famous confucian scholar in the Southern Song dynasty. In Yuan(元) period, it almost become the fixed name for the main lecture hall at local confucian schools, and even the official government documents began to use it as a common noun since the beginning of Ming(明) dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.83-114
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• 2021

This paper identifies what the theoretical similarities and differences are in the concept of Sangsaeng held by Zhuxi (1130~1200) and Jeungsan (1871~1909). Human beings cannot live alone. For humans to survive, they must live with others. However, humans have an infinite desire not only for survival but also for material things, honor, and power. In other words, humans, on the one hand, seek harmony and symbiosis for survival, and on the other, constantly confront, conflict and compete with one another to satisfy their infinite desires. Thus, human-to-human interrelationship is not a co-prosperity that creates partnerships for harmony but one of adversaries within competition that must be fought and defeated. At the same time, humans can achieve harmony and cooperation by overcoming their infinite desires and realizing morality. Therefore, various social problems that originate from competitive structure, which are dominated by confrontation and conflict, can be solved through human effort and reflection, so that humans can focus on solving social problems by mobilizing their own wisdom. Jeungsan emphasized Sangsaeng as mutual beneficence and it became one of the creeds of Daesoon Thought. In the Neo-Confucianism of Zhuxi, there is an ideology of Sangsaeng as co-prosperity and this is comparable to mutual beneficence in Daesoon Thought. In Zhuxi's terminology it is called 'In (仁), humanity.' In Neo-Confucianism, a harmonious world is achieved by loving people and caring for and nurturing all things when the principles of humanity are realized. This means that when the principle of co-prosperity is realized in Daesoon Thought, there will be no conflict or grudges, and only an acquired vision of reconciliation and mutual beneficence will be achieved. Zhuxi also emphasizes the realization of humanity (cheonli) by eliminating self-interest. At this time, the relationship between humanity and 'self-interest' is similar to the relationship between the mutual beneficence and grievances in Daesoon Thought. Just as the principle of 'In' fosters love among people and the benefit of things immediately after self-interest is removed, the principle of mutual beneficence is realized immediately after grudges are resolved. This achieves an endless of paradise on earth.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.53-83
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• 2013

This paper aims to examine how issues related to the heaven-human relation (or nature-culture relation) affected Joseon intellectuals in the eighteenth century by considering Huang Yun Seok as a reference. As a significant indicator, the heaven-human relation issue has traditionally been a critical theme in the history of Confucianism. Since Huang Yun Seok accepted Western Learning based on Zhuxi Learning, he is a good example for examining this issue. Huang's ideas didn't depart too much from Confucianism, but he naturally became interested in Western Learning because of the enthusiastic admiration he had of Ancient Learning since he was a child. Principle-Number was consistent with Ancient Learning and Western Learning, and this was somewhat different from the original notion of numerology. It was used for understanding and explaining astronomical phenomenon. In understanding astronomical phenomenon, Huang used both fact-determined and value-centered approaches. Western astronomy allowed him to make an advance in terms of fact-determined approach while the value-centered approach gave him a portentological perspective on astronomical variation such as solar and lunar eclipses. This indicates one of the ways to keep Zhuxi Learning's identity itself amidst an inflow of new learnings.