• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.35-61
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• 2017

The formation process of Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) in Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派) was examined. Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) succeeded to the methods of Huti (互體) and Yaobian(爻變) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Ha-bin(河濱), and Dasan(茶山) thought that he couldn't cover Zhouyi("周易") just with this one method. So he suggested the four methods called Yilisifa(易理四法), and supplemented it with 18 methods through Duyiyaozhi(?讀易要旨?). Accordingly, the process of how Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) was established was examined one by one. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho Lee Ik(星湖李瀷), the leading master of Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派). Nevertheless, Dasan(茶山) argued that the method of Huti(互體) had been from Zhu Xi(朱子). However, this argument of Dasan(茶山)'s seems to have resulted from Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. As a way to interpret Zhouyi(?周易?), Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱). However, Dasan(茶山) argued that Yaobian(爻變)was Zhu Xi(朱子)'s intention. He had no choice but this because of Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱), but Dasan(茶山) proposed the four key methods called Yilisifa(易理四法). Many researchers have argued that, as for Dasan(茶山)'s modern viewpoint, Dasan(茶山) developed Yi Xue(易學) in a similar way as Xihe Mauqiling(西河 毛奇齡). However, this viewpoint cannot be judged to have been similar as it was expressed when Dasan(茶山) himself criticized Xihe(西河)'s Jingxueguan(經學觀).

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.59-74
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• 2022

There are three main ways to interpret Zhouyi(周易). The first is to interpret it as a number, the second is to interpret it as an image symbolized by the Gwae(卦), and the third is to interpret it as the moral reason contained in it. Although YulRyeo(律呂) is not as widely known as Zhouyi, its use in ancient times was the same as that of the main character. First, the mathematical analysis method using the three-pronged method for tuning musical instruments, second, the symbolic interpretation using the musical meaning symbolized by YulRyeo, and third, the applied interpretation method that expands to the moral reason contained in YulRyeo. The purpose of this thesis is to organize the dictionary meaning of YulRyeo and various meanings of ancient YulRyeo. In addition, by studying ancient literature on the meaning of YulRyeo's magic spell mechanics(術數易學) and Naepeum and Five Elements(納音五行), which is the origin of Gobeop Myongriology, I classify and interpret them in detail. and to find ways to apply it to Myongriology. It is hoped that this study will give a more in-depth understanding of YulRyeo and will be of little help to related studies such as the mechanics of magic and Myongriology studies in the future.

• Journal of Acupuncture Research
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.171-183
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• 2001

Objective : To study the effects and merits of the Yanzhen Therapy(眼針療法), Method : We researched through studying 28 kinds of literature. Result : 1. The Division of Eye Region(眼區分劃), the Position of Yanxue(眼穴定位) and the mutual connection with Internal Organ(臟腑) during the Yanzhen Therapy(眼鍼療法) were made according to Huata's Thesis, and were made by combining Neijing(內經) Theory about eyes, Yinyang and Five Elements(陰陽五行) Theory, Meridian & Zang-Xiang Theory(經絡臟象學說), the Five Circles & Eight Regions(五輪八廓學說) Theory, and the Zhouyi Eight Diagrams(周易八卦) Theory. 2. The assignment between the Internal Organ and Eye-Division(眼區分劃) was formed on the basis of the Five-Circles and Eight-Regions Theory in Ophthalmology(眼科五輪八廓學說) of Zhengzhizhunsheng(證治準繩). 3. The Assignment(排列) & Position(方位) of the Congenital Eight Diagram(先天八卦) and the Acquired Eight Diagram(後天八卦) have influenced the Division of Eight Eye Region(眼鍼八區) and the Position of Yanxue(眼穴定位) significantly. 4. It showed no difference with the Map of Eye Position of Eight-Division(八廓眼位圖) like as Shenshiyaohan(審視瑤函), Yinhaizhinan(銀海指南) and Sanzijing of Ophthalmology(眼科三字經). Conclusion : While combining organically with other methods of acupuncture, the Yanzhen Therapy(眼鍼療法) may have better clinical effectiveness, and is also expect to expand the clinical indication.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.37-52
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• 2018

Busan is a representative of ocean cities in South Korea, which attracts many Chinese tourists. As a number of Chinese tourists increase, Chinese tourists' evaluations of sightseeing resources in Busan appear extremely important. However, there are few researches on Chinese tourists' evaluations of sightseeing in Busan. The purpose of this paper is to analyze Chinese tourists' evaluations of Busan tourism. Chinese tourists who travel to Busan are chosen as research objects and several aspects including marine, fisheries and general tourism are investigated to evaluate the tourists' overall satisfaction of the tourism in Busan. IPA analysis, factor analysis multiple regression analysis are used for the research. The results are as follows. Chinese tourists' evaluations of the importance and performance level of variables on Busan tourism were significantly different (total 19 of 25 variables) and the performance was lower than importance. This means the outputs of the various Busan tourism elements do not live up to their expectations. The findings show that Chinese visitors have high satisfaction on infrastructures of fisheries tourism (e.g. cleanness of aquatic product tourism facilities and sanitary state on fishery products), but low satisfaction in terms of the contents (e.g. unique cooking method experience of seafood and traditional seafood cooking consumption). The factors of fisheries tourism (e.g. product services of fisheries tourism and the attractiveness of seafood in Busan) never affect their satisfaction and intention to revisit and recommend the city.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.26-35
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to understand how Sasang Constitutional Medicine has been understood in China. Methods I searched for topics in Chinese such as Sasang medicine (四象醫學), Sasang constitution (四象體質), Chao medicine (朝醫), philosophy (哲學), principles (原理), the school of Confucianism (儒家), Confucianism (儒學) and ideology (思想) in CNKI database on January 15, 2019. The selected studies were summarized as three sections; the basic principles of Sasang Constitutional Medicine, influences of Confucianism and comparison with other medicines. Results In China, the principles of Sasang Constitutional Medicine is explained using the concepts such as Heaven-Human-Nature-Order, the Great Ultimate (Taiji), Two Modes (Liang-Yi), Sasang, heart, sorrow-anger-joy-pleasure, nature-emotions (Xingqing), and viscera-bowels (Zang-Fu). Sasang Constitutional Medicine is considered to has been influenced by Confucianism. The form of Sasang Constitutional Medicine was affected by the Book of Changes (Zhouyi), and the contents were impacted by the Great Learning (Daxue), the Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong), the Mencius (Mengzi) and the Analects (Lunyu). Sasang Constitutional Medicine have distinctive characteristics in comparison with other medicines, such as inherent determinations of constitution, organs difference by constitution the actions of nature, emotions and desire, recognition of humans as social beings, and the signification of heart as a presiding center. Conclusion In China, the philosophy of Sasang Constitutional Medicine has been studied with basis of four-element structure; activity, mind, body and matter. Also, it has been researched in medical aspects of human trying to control the nature and emotions to be physically, mentally and socially healthy.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.19-33
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• 2023

This study investigated the architectural expression of Taekpungdang(澤風堂, The Pond and Wind House) built by the Neo-Confucianist Taekdang Lee Sik(澤堂 李植, 1584~1647) from the perspective of the symbolic system of the Zhōuyì(『周易』, Classic of Changes). This study examined the historical context, personal history, and construction process of Taekpungdang at the time of its creation through his collection of writings, the Taekdanggip(澤堂集). The study also estimated the original form of Taekpungdang through field surveys and historical evidence. In addition, the architectural principles and architectural expressions inherent in the Taekpungdang were derived based on the symbolic system of "taekpungdaegwa"(澤風大過) which is Lee Sik's divination and one of the 64 trigrams in the Zhōuyì. Lee Sik, who was knowledgeable in the Zhōuyì, used divination to cope with the chaotic political situation and his own misfortunes. Accordingly, He determined the direction of his life and planned the surrounding environment, architectural structure, and form of Taekpungdang based on the rules and meanings of his divination system. He embodied the architectural space of Taekpungdang with the concept of time and space inherent in the divination of "daegwa",(大過, great exceeding). In addition, he expressed the principle of the generation of palgue,(八卦, the eight trigrams for divination) and the principle of the co-prosperity of ohaeng(五行, the five elements) through the composition of walls and windows of the house. The images of Taekpungdaegwae, which are dongyo(棟撓 wood submerged in the pond) and taekmyeolmok(澤滅木, shaking pillars), were manifested in the form of buildings. Therefore, Taekpungdang can be considered a remarkable example of a building designed through the thorough utilization of the Zhōuyì divination system.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.381-410
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• 2009

It is a very important book about painting theory, that "Xuanhehuapu"(宣和畵譜) was wrote by Emperor Huizhong(徽宗) in Song Dynasty. Fundamental discussions and studies in the relation of socio-economical base in Song Dynasty are still more needed. And accordingly, it is necessary to advent upgraded aesthetical articles. Li xue(理?) deeply influenced upon paintings and its theories in Song Dynasty. Similarly, Taoism(道家) and Zen Buddhism(?宗) also did. But some people who have not found "Xuanhehuapu" important meaning and rich and complicated aesthetic thought, gave low and even negative valuation to it. There is rich aesthetic in "Xuanhehuapu", which is not as simple and narrow as some people imagined. It was deeply influenced by the aesthetic thought of Confucianism(Lixue 理學), Taoism(Zhuangzi 莊子) and "Zhouyi"({周易}). I will be analytical in a few aspects "Xuanhehuapu" of aesthetics thought. 1. The calligraphy and painting is one flesh. 2. learn a good lesson from painting. 3. The handicrafts(Art, 藝) and Tao(道) unify. 4. It is a Art taxology. 5. It use a new art criticism methods.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.161-190
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• 2010

In Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, there are a few special signs in red and black that had never been found in previous ZhouYi texts. Pu Mao Zuo (?茅左), who first sorted out Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, classified the signs into six types and explained them in terms of Yin-Yang theory. On the other hand, Li Shang Xin (李尙信) classified the signs into seven types and argued that these signs show that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) in Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is completely identical with that of the current version of ZhouYi. Edward L. Shaughnessy also conjectured that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) of Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is identical with that of the current version of Zhouyi after his material analysis of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) substance. Kondo Hiroyuki (近藤浩之) is based his interpretation of the order of the hexagrams(卦序) on his own classification of the signs which identified nine types. All these opinions contain some problems and given that the number of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) are very limited, we have to be very careful when we draw a conclusion. Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi's signs can be possible when we suppose a 64-hexagrams(64卦) system instead of the 8-trigrams(8卦) system, which demands a reexamination of the common view that the 8-trigrams system preceded the 64-hexagrams system.