• Title/Summary/Keyword: Zen-buddhism

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Stylistic Interchange Patterns of Stone Stupa Construction in the Gangwon-do Region (강원도 지역 석탑 조영(造營)의 양식적 교류양상)

  • Jun, Ji Hye
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.190-205
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    • 2016
  • Buddhist stupas, which are a symbolic architecture of Buddhism and enshrine the Jinsinsari of Buddha, were reinvented as stone stupas appropriate for the natural soil of Korea from existing wooden stupas around the 7th century after the introduction of Buddhism. Later, the construction of a stone stupa was expanded to local areas from the central area around the 9th century; thus, stone stupas of more diverse local colors were built in a nationwide scale, and today it is called a "country of stone stupas". While focusing on the stylistic interchanges between stone stupas, which were established in each region in accordance with the localization of the establishment of stone stupas that was begun actively from the 9th century, this paper selected several cases of stone stupas among about 50 stone stupas in the Gangwondo-region. First, the study compared the stone stupas and Buddhist priest tower of Seollimwonji, Jinjeonsaji, and Geodonsaji, which are located at the same temple site as the current Buddhist priest tower, from among typical Silla style stupas that match the 9 stone stupas in the Gangwon-do region. This is because stylistic interchanges were possible while there were mutually organic relationships between Buddhist statues such as stone stupas, Buddhist priest towers, stone lanterns, and Buddhist pedestals, which used the same stone material along with the expansion of Buddhism to local areas in accordance with the spread of Zen Buddhism in the 9th century. Second, a comparison was made of the stylistic similarities between the Woljeongsa Palgakgucheong (eight sides nine-storied) stone stupa and the Sinboksaji Samcheung (three-storied) stone stupa, which are totally different in regard to the number of stories and the flat form. These two stone stupas are representative Goryeo stone stupas. The Woljeongsa stone stupa is a Goguryeo-oriented stone stupa with many sided multiple stories whereas the Sinboksaji stone stupa has been known as an early case of the insertion of the support of Tapsin in each story. Although the two stone stupas may look very different, but through close investigation it was confirmed that there were many stylistic interchanges between them and not only the seated stone Buddha statue in the cylinder jewel case in front of the stupa but also the stone stupa established by the same master. Consequently, this paper aimed not merely to mention the simple patterns of stone stupas, but, further, to trace the interchange in patterns in accordance with the construction period based on those patterns.

A Study on the Standardization and Diversification of Chinese Biographies of the Eminent Monks in the 7th and 8th Century (7~8세기 중국 고승전의 정형화와 다양화)

  • Jung Chun-koo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.48
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    • pp.305-335
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    • 2024
  • In the 7th and 8th centuries, Chinese Buddhism was at its peak, and major sects emerged and began to differ from one another in significant ways. This fact was also revealed through several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks and changes observable in the peculiarity of their formats. In the early 6th century, Huijiao (慧皎) compiled Gaosengzhuan (高僧傳, Biographies of Eminent Monks) which contains the history of Buddhism after it was introduced to China. At this time, he established a new format called the ten-subjects (十科). In 645, Daoxuan (道宣) used these ten-subjects as the basic framework to compile Xu-Gaosengzhuan (續高僧傳). However, by modifying and supplementing some parts of the ten-subjects, he standardized the ten-subjects into a format suitable for historiography. After the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks were compiled in a format that further modified the ten-subjects. Fazang (法藏) wrote Huayanjing zhuanji (華嚴經傳記, 690?) which consisted of the ten-subjects, but the names and meanings of the subjects changed significantly to emphasize the Avatamsaka philosophy. Subsequently, while compiling Hongzan fahuazhuan (弘贊法華傳, 706?), Huixiang (惠詳) compiled a newly modified list of eight-subjects based on the ten-subjects of Gaosengzhuan and Xu-Gaosengzhuan. Sengxiang (僧詳) compiled Fahua xhuanji (法華傳記, 750?) in the format of twelve-subjects which added two new subjects to the ten-subjects of the Huayanjing zhuanji. These two formats focused on faith rather than philosophy. Even in the Chan (Zen) schools, a series of Biographies of the Eminent Monks was compiled from the beginning of the 8th century. Chuan fabaoji (傳法寶紀, 713?), Lengqui shiziji (楞伽師資記, 713?), Lidai fabaoji (歷代法寶記, 774), and Baolin zhuan (寶林傳, 801) are all examples of such compilations. However, the format of these four Biographies of the Eminent Monks was completely different from prior versions. Without setting any subjects, the authors established and described a dharma lineage transmitted continually from master to disciple. This is because Chan Buddhism does not rely on Buddhist texts but focuses on monks achieving realization through other means. At first, only the Chinese patriarchs were listed, but starting with Baolin zhuan, 27 patriarchs including Buddha and Kasyapa were included in the dharma lineage and presented as history. This fictional lineage was based on the need to secure sectarian superiority and legitimacy as Chan Buddhism flourished.

The Theory of Chen tuan's Internal Alchemy and Intermixture of Taoism, Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism (진단의 내단이론과 삼교회통론)

  • Kim, Kyeong-Soo
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.31
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    • pp.53-86
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    • 2011
  • Taoism exercised its influence and has made much progress apparently under the aegis of the Tang dynasty. But since the external alchemy, a traditional way of eternal life that they have pursued, met the limitation, they were placed in a situation where they needed to seek a new discipline. From this period to the early North Song dynasty, three religions have established the unique theoretical systems of their own theory of ascetic practices. They showed their own unique formats as follows. Neo-Confucianism established the theory of moral training, Buddhism did the theory of ascetic practices and Taoism had theory of discipline. By this time, a person who claimed the Intermixture of Three Religions composed the new system of theory of ascetic practice by taking advantage of other religions and putting them into his own view. Chen tuan established the theory of internal alchemy of Taoism and was the most influential figure in the world of thought since North Song dynasty. He clearly declared that he accepted the merits of other religions in his theory. He added I Ching of Confucianism in I Ching of secret of Taoism to stop the logical gaps during the process of disciplines in Taoism and took ascetic practices on mind of Buddhism into his system while he sought a way to integrate the dual structure of body and mind. The theory of Chen tuan's internal alchemy was training schema with stages of 'YeonJeongHwaGi', 'YeonGiHwaSin', and 'YeonSinHwanHeo' based on the concepts of vital, energy and spirit. The internal alchemy practice that Chen tuan was saying started from the practice of Zen to keep the mind calm with the basis of fundamental principles of interpretation of book of change according to Taoism. When a person reached the state to be in concert with all changes at the end of the silence and be full of wisdoms, he finally returned to the state of BokGwiMuGeuk by taking the flow of subtle mind and transforming it into energy. He expressed this process by drawing 'MuGeukDo'. Oriental philosophy categorized human into 'phenomenal existence' and 'original existence'. The logic of theory of ascetic practice has been established from these 'category of existence'. It would be determined whether it will return to 'original existence' or be stepped up from 'phenomenal existence' according to how the concept of 'self' or 'I' was made. Chen tuan who established the theory of internal alchemy in Taoism has established the unique theory of internal alchemy discipline and system of intermixture of three religions in this aspect. Today is called 'era of self-loss' or 'era of incurable diseases' caused by environmental pollution. It's still meaningful to review the theory of discipline of Chen tuan's connecting the body and the soul to heal the self, and keep life healthy and pursue the new way of discipline based on it.

Guanyin Faith in the Hangzhou Area during the Tang and Song Dynasties (당·송대 항주지역의 관음신앙)

  • Kim Sung-soon
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.46
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    • pp.123-152
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    • 2023
  • This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

A Study on the Five Colors Appearing in the Traditional Korean Bojaki of the Era of Chosun Dynasty (조선시대 보자기에 나타나는 오방색에 관한 고찰)

  • Noh Eun-Hee
    • Journal of Science of Art and Design
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    • v.6
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    • pp.81-99
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    • 2004
  • For making something to use as a tool since the emergence of mankind, the initial pragmatic purpose has transformed into a new genre of art over time. Things defined like this have rooted in our culture as tradition so far. In the midst of today's various trends, a reflection of tradition and a modern search for tradition by re-creating it are much more needed. To any people in any time, a new trend would undeniably develop on the basis of its previous tradition in any form. The colors appearing in such artwork are also an expression of each people's unconscious potentiality as essential grounds for human aesthetic. The traditional Korean Bojaki, which was made out of women's pragmatic mind trying to recycle trashy pieces of cloth in the 19th century of Chosun Dynasty, appears as a symbolization of our nation's original form in unconsciousness. It includes Confucianism, Buddhism, Zen and the Yin-Yang and Five Elements thought, which have been together with naturalism. The five colors appearing in the Yin-Yang and Five Elements are the basis. Fourteen selected samples around the five colors seen in the color scheme of the Chosun era's Bojaki were measured and their color values were found by analyzing them based on HCV(Hue, Chroma, Value)of the five primary colors as well as the five secondary colors. After choosing a few colors with bare eyes close to traditional Primary Colors and Secondary Colors amongst 14 pieces of data which particularly used traditional Five Colors and examining them using spectrophotometer(JX777), the following conclusions were drawn. Comparing only colors in Primary Colors, the result was red 7.11R 4.59/10.69, blue 6.71PB 3.18/6.45, yellow 3.91Y 7.56/6.12, respectively. With regard to Secondary Colors, it was reported that red 7.96RP 5.42/10.3, blue 7.8B 5.16/5.53, green 8.03GY 6.05/4.34, yellow 2.73Y 7.47/4.07, purple 2.39RP 4.69/4.56, respectively. (diagram) As a result, the standard of Five Colors can be used in modern fiber color. There are differences in dyeing material, methods and kinds of fiber of that time, but women of Chosun Dynasty combined and made fabric which was circulated. Consequently, an applicable attribute of the aye-color values was considered.

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Songgye Na-sik's Literary World and it's Local Base (송계나식(松桂懶湜)의 문학 세계와 지역적 기반)

  • Kim, Jongjin
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This study examined Songgye Na-sik's(松桂懶湜, 1684~1765) literary world based on Priest Songgye's Anthology(松桂大禪師文集). In consideration of the insufficiencies of the only previous study on Songgye's literature, this study was focused on his ideological character and its historicity, the trend of literary exchange in the Buddhist circle, and the literary geographical aspect of his literature. Priest Songgye was the head of the Bonghwa-sa Temple in Andong during the years under the rule of Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo, and learned from Hwanseong Ji-ahn(喚醒志安, 1664~1729) and Nakam Eui-nul(落巖義訥, 1666~1737). The priest did not have many students under him nor leave numerous writings. In the process of the development of the Buddhist doctrines in the late Joseon Dynasty, however, he completed the scripture learning courses faithfully and laid the ground of his philosophy. In addition, the afterword of Hwaeomgyeongchilcheogupumhoipummok (華嚴經七處九會品目跋) shows that he compiled the book under his teacher's instruction. What is more, he is known to have devoted himself to belief in the Pure Land in his late years. Given these backgrounds, the priest's life, writings, and ideological tendencies pursued all of Zen, Hwaeom, and the Pure Land together, and at the same time, reflected the characteristics of Korean Buddhism in the 18th century. The priest steadily cultivated himself in poetry and established his own literary world, and all the outcomes were fully reflected in his anthology. Priest Songgye walked the road of a learner throughout his lifetime but, on the other hand, he established his identity as a literary man in the specific time and space of Andong, Yeongnam in the late Joseon Dynasty.

The instruction of comparative study on Lao Zi Note of Park Sae Dang and Hayashi La Zan (박세당(朴世堂)의 『신주도덕경(新註道德經)』과 임라산(林羅山)의 『노자초해(老子抄解)』 비교 연구 서설)

  • Cho, Hansuk
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.28
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    • pp.297-329
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    • 2010
  • This article is a preliminary essay for comparative study on Lao Zi Note of Park Sae Dang who lived Lee Dynasty in 17C and Hayashi La Zan who lived Doku Kawa Bakuhu in 17C. This article have two points at issue. First one is the their challenge that resisted the dogma of their own age. And the other one is their challenge of thaught had the academic background of the Lao Zi Note. They had a their own Lao Zi Note, Park Sae Dang朴世堂 had a New Note of Lao Zi 新註道德經 and Hayashi La Zan 林羅山 had a Selection Note of Lao Zi 老子抄解. However there are some different points between Park Sae Dang and Hayashi La Zan. The Hayashi La Zan's comprehension of Lao Zi followed in Lao Zi Note of Lin Xi Yi 林希逸 who had a point of Confucian comprehension of Lao Zi, so the study of Taoism of Hayashi La Zan excepted Zhuang zi. Hayashi La Zan concentrated on only Confucian comprehension of Lao Zi because Lin Xi Yi's Note of Zhuang Zi had a point of Zen Buddhism. However Park Sae Dang's the study of Taoism has Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi. He understood Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi in a base on Confucian comprehension. He indicated Confucian moral principle 修身治人 for a equal point of between Confucianism and Taoism. And he understood Cheng Xin成心 in Qiwulun in Zhuang Zi is similar to Xing性 of Xing Shan性善 in Meng Zi. Park Sae Dang analyzed not simply Lao Zi but also Zhuang Zi in a base on Confucian comprehension.

The Origin of the Square-Shaped Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung Royal Tomb and Its Stylistic Development -In Comparison with the Buddhist Temple Stone Lanterns- (조선 정릉(貞陵) 사각 장명등(四角長明燈) 양식의 원류와 전개 -사찰 석등과의 비교를 통해 -)

  • Kim, Ji Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.4
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    • pp.24-55
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    • 2010
  • Jangmyeongdeung Lantern (貞陵長明燈) refers to the stone lantern placed in front of the royal tomb. It serves both symbolic and decorative purposes; symbolic because it is supposed to guard and illuminate the buried, and decorative because it is a work of sculpture that adorns the entire graveyard. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung was the earliest stone lantern to be produced during the Joseon period. Its square shape is unique among those from the early to mid-Joseon period. The three major parts of Jangmyeongdeung - the stand, the lantern, and the roof-shaped cover parts - are square in shape, differing from the octagonal shaped Jangmyeongdeung. The stand consists of three single stone blocks, the Hadaeseok(下臺石), Ganjuseok(竿柱石), and Sangdaeseok(上臺石). The Hwasaseok(火舍石), or the lantern part, is also a single stone block. Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung succeeds the style of those of Hyeon-neung and Jeongneung(玄正陵) of the Goryeo period and is of a better artistic quality. As the first Jangmyeongdeung lantern, it is a refined work of art that marks the foundation of the Joseon Kingdom. This paper tries to ascertain the stylistic origin of the square-shaped Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung and compare it with those of Buddhist temples. Consequently, similarities were found among the stone lanterns of Zen priests 'Jigong'(指空) and 'Nawong'(懶翁) in the Hweamsa Temple(檜巖寺) site from the late Goryeo period, those of Zen priest 'Muhak'(無學) of the Hweamsa Temple site, and those of national priest 'Bogak'(普覺) of Cheongnyongsa Temple(靑龍寺) from the early Joseon period. Primarily, this is because the three components(the stand, the lantern part, and the roof-shaped cover) are essentially square-shaped. Second, as the Ganjuseok(one of the components of the stand) became shorter, the stand took a more stable form. Third, the Hwasaseok(the lantern part) consists of two stone blocks joined together. Fourth, the roof-shaped cover is also in square in shape. Similarly, the Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung contains Buddhist elements as well. The three-bead pattern that decorates the Ganjuseok stand is an example. The three-bead pattern is one of the symbolic elements related to Tantric Buddhism. It is found on the diadems worn by Bodhisattvas from the Goryeo and early Joseon periods. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung in early Joseon directly influenced the production of the square-shaped stone lanterns used to decorate the tombs during the Joseon period. After the latter half of the 15th century, however, the octagonal-shaped Jangmyeongdeung style began to prevail. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung reflects the succession of the tradition of royal tombs from Goryeo to Joseon, the introduction of square-shaped stone lanterns to Buddhist temples, and the influence of the Buddhist philosophy of the time. It is a living testimony to various elements of each time and corresponding cultural trends.

A Study on the Religious Costume in Korea - Buddhist and Taoist Costume - (한국(韓國) 종교복식(宗敎服飾)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - 불교(佛敎)와 도교복식(道敎服飾)을 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Im, Yeong-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.14
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    • pp.63-73
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    • 1990
  • The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

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A Study of Iljiam Tea Garden of Daeheung-sa at Mt. Dooryun - Focusing on the Comparison between Poetry and Current State - (두륜산 대흥사 일지암 다정(茶庭)의 일고찰(一考察) - 시문과 현황 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.3
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    • pp.97-110
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    • 2012
  • This study aimed at considering the original shape of Iljiam Tea Garden at Mt. Daedun. In order to accomplish our goal, we tried to strengthen the authenticity of construction of Iljiam by comparing its space structure depicted in the poetry of Choeui(艸衣) the monk with its current restored state. According to the clues and situation in the poetry along with symbolic words like 'Choeui' and 'Ilji(一枝)', Iljiam seemed to be a tea garden with elegant and celestial beauties, and with a nice view where Choeui the famous monk searched for the highest state of enlightenment by enjoying and living in nature. When we compared the plural aspects of Iljiam like Dacheon(茶泉), Dajo, Mulhwak, Darim(茶林), Chaewon(菜園), and Yeonji(蓮池) with those of Dasan Tea Garden[茶山草堂], we could see that the basic components of tea-culture space of both gardens are the same, showing the organizational principle of the top and bottom area to stress reading and studying. When it is restored, the authenticity of Iljiam should be pursued by linking spatial, historical, and landscaping characteristics as the space of which Choeui the monk carried out Zen meditation and mastered tea. However, the recent grand scale Buddhist business like the expansion of access road and construction of Buddhist sanctuary and Seolimdang became the biggest threat to the authenticity. Especially, it was emphasized many times in various poetry that the view from Iljiam and its surroundings is extraordinary, so it is critical to get rid of obstacles to the view from Iljiam and its surroundings in order to restore Iljiam as its genuine form. The current Iljiam should be re-made because it is like a leaf-roofed garden, not like a hermitage. However, the opinion that Jawoohongryeon-sa(紫芋紅蓮社) is somewhat a Taoistic and Taoist hermit space with a special shape adopted the pattern of building of the Joseon period rather than a Buddhist building can be accepted as long as other convincing historical evidences are found out, considering the ideology of uniting Confucianism and Buddhism and the spirit of Taoist hermit found out from poetry of Choeui and his friends. In conclusion, the restoration of Iljiam in 1979 was carried out to restore the place of Iljiam rather than to restore the originality of Iljiam by combining and referring domestic cases of tea gardens. However, there is not much material for restoration even though the main frame of Iljiam was distorted. Nevertheless, the top and bottom ponds should be constructed as a rectangle shape. In addition, it can be improved much in terms of plants and trees. It is necessary to restore bamboo forest, which was razed in order to make a tea plantation around Seolimdang, to set vines of arbors above the upper limbs, to plant pine trees and willow trees inside of the garden, and to put Dajeolgu under the corner of the eaves. Especially, the bamboo forest emphasized in poetry and took care of by Choeui himself should be restored inside of the garden.