In the late Japanese colonial period, from the Sino-Japanese War until the Pacific War, critical discourses on the modern were prevalent in Japan and the Joseon. Despite the absence of a consensus about the specific definition of the modern, most thinkers agreed that the modern was something to be overcome. While some regarded naturalism and capitalism of the West as the essence of the modern, some others named scientism and humanism as the nature of the western modernity. Additionally, some criticized the temporal concept of historicism and brought new meanings of 'tradition' into relief, and some others advocated overcoming 'the West inherent in us'. This study is to consider the temporality of the theory of overcoming the modern focusing on the following three notions-world history, tradition, and emergency-, and examines the antinomy of them. The first notion to consider is 'world history'. The theorists of overcoming the modern, including the Kyoto school, discarded the progressive ideology that had led the Western modern history, and instead introduced 'world history' as a new notion. Although this resulted from the imperialistic embracement of the theories of Ranke, a major positivist historian from Germany, it contained antinomy of remaining in 'history' which was the modern temporal view. The second notion is 'tradition'. While the critical mind of 'world history' brought 'time of world' into question in the context of temporal realization, the notion of 'tradition' was to understand 'time of history' itself as the modern and overcome it. The critical mind of the notion involves the attempts to criticize regarding history as a 'progressive' process and to discover tradition as 'the present past' or 'the eternal present'. However, it also contained antinomy; the 'tradition' here was a notion that was created in the modern times, not passed down from ancient times. The third notion to consider is 'emergency', which was a method to define the present time as a transition period toward a new era, relating to states of war. However, the theorists of overcoming the modern did not regard 'emergency' as a particular time that strayed from normal states, instead they thought is as 'a regularized exceptional state', namely 'a state in which exceptions have become regulations'. However, the notion also contained antinomy since the word 'emergency' connotes abnormality.
This study problematizes the dominance of developmental state theory and its negative influences in the field of Korean studies, in particular, dealing with the industrialization during the developmental era, 1960s~70s. As is generally known, the theory has been in a position of unchallenged authority on the industrialization experience of East Asian countries, including South Korea. However, at the same time, it has also misled us into overlooking strategic relations that had articulated the state forms at multiple scales. This study aims to reconstruct the historical contexts by the theorizing prompted by recent work on state space. I shed light on the multiscalar strategic relations that had shaped the Ulsan refinery plant as a representative state space of the South Korean industrialization during two decades after liberation. Specifically, the study illustrates the features and roles of Cold War networks and multiscalar agnets such as Nam Goong-Yeon. By identifying the plant as a result of sequential articulations between Ulsan and other scales, this study concludes by suggesting to reframing the strategic relational spaces, beyond the view of methodological nationalism, in the perspective of multiscalar approach.
This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.
The purpose of this research paper is to re-valuate the factors that affected the Royal Navy's rearmament and preparation for war by conducting analysis on the discussion held in the Britain on the strategic priorities and Navy's coping measures adopted during the interwar period. After the end of the WWI, each of the military arms of the Britain faced significant difficulty in securing budget and increasing their military power all throughout the interwar period, and the Navy was not an exception. The WWII that got started on September 1939 was the turning point in which this difficulty led to full-fledged crisis. Immensely many criticisms followed after the war and problems were identified when it comes to the Royal Navy's performance during the war. This type of effort to identify problem led to the attempt to analyze whether Royal Navy's preparation for war and rearmament policy during interwar period were adequate, and to identify the root causes of failure. Existing studies sought to find the root cause of failed rearmament from external factors such as the deterioration of the Britain itself or pressure from the Treasury Department to cut the budget for national defense, or sought to detect problems from the development of wrong strategies by the Navy. However, Royal Navy's failed preparation for the war during interwar period is not the result of one or two separate factors. Instead, it resulted due to the diverse factors and situations that the Britain was facing at the time, and due to intricate and complex interaction of these factors. Meanwhile, this research paper focused on the context characterized by 'strategic selection and setting up of priorities' among the various factors to conduct analysis on the Navy's rearmament by linking it with the discussion held at the time on setting up strategic priorities, and sought to demonstrate that the Navy Department's inadequate counter-measures developed during this process waned Royal Navy's position. After the end of WWI, each of the military arms continued to compete for the limited resources and budget all throughout the interwar period, and this type of competition amidst the situation in which the economic situation of Britain was still unstable, made prioritization when it comes to the allocation of resources and setting up of the priorities when it comes to the military power build-up, inevitable. Amidst this situation, the RAF was able to secure resources first and foremost, encouraged by the conviction of some politicians who were affected by the 'theory of aerial threat' and who believed that curtailing potential attack with the Air Force would be means to secure national security at comparatively lower cost. In response, Navy successfully defended the need for the existence of Navy despite the advancement of the aerial power, by emphasizing that the Britain's livelihood depends on trade and on the maintenance of maritime traffic. Despite this counter-measuring logic, however, Navy's role was still limited to the defense of overseas territory and to the fleet run-off instead of sea traffic route production when it comes to the specific power build-up plan, and did not understand the situation in which financial and economic factors gained greater importance when it comes to the setting up of strategic priorities. As a result, Navy's plan to build its powers was met with continual resistance of the Treasury Department, and lost the opportunity to re-gain the status of 'senior service' that it had enjoyed in the past during the competition for strategic prioritization. Given that the strategic and economic situation that Korea faces today is not very different from that of the Britain during the interwar period, our Navy too should leverage the lessons learned from the Royal Navy to make the effort to secure viable position when it comes to the setting of priorities in case of national defense strategy by presenting the basis on why maritime coping should be prioritized among the numerous other threats, and by developing the measures for securing the powers needed effectively amidst the limited resources.
The objects of this study are to consider the current features and the development process of the utilizing system of aquaculture farms in Japan, and to suggest the theoretical basis for improvement of aquaculture system of Korea in the future through the analysis of background of the liberalization theory proposed recently. The aquaculture-fishery system of Japan was begun from the Meiji Era Fishery Act and New Fishery Act of the World war II. A small sum of fishery fee is paid to the fishery cooperative having fishing rights for securing fishing area newly, because the aquaculture of Japan belong to fishery cooperative not individual ownership of union membr of cooperative society, the other words, cultivation fisheries household. In case of Korea, there are several differences with Japan as follows; almost cultivation fisheries household has a individual license, the lisence of fishing rights are recognized as an article, the license of fishing lights are able to do sale. Therefore, it is needed to paid a lots of money for securing fishing area newly. On the other hand, advanced countries in the marine aquaculture such as Norway have reached the stage where the managing abilities of marine aquaculture are similar to those in the manufacturing industry. And the number of large scale aquaculture farms with developed technologies and advanced marketing strategies in those countries is increasing. Considering that the marine aquaculture in Japan under the similar fishery systems of Korea has developed the state-of-the-art management skills or lead to large scale management, it is difficult to expect the decrease in the production costs under the small scale family business in Korea and this will lead to the decreasing competitive advantage over the imported seafood. Therefore marine aquaculture in Korea needs to increase the economy of scale to acquire the competitive advantage.
Traditional quantitative approaches to comparative social policy research in welfare state have mostly focused on cross-national variations in social policy. More recently, they have attempted to account for disparities in the local provision of social policy. However, heavily relying on traditional theories of welfare state development (e.g., industrialism theory, power resource approach, and state-centric thesis), most of them seem to have explained the local variation from a central or national perspective, thereby completely ignoring the local perspective. Furthermore, their theoretical bases have been exclusively derived from the social context of post-war era. In tackling these issues, this study aims at localizing and updating the theoretical framework of local welfare policy in the post-industrial age. The framework provided in this study calls for a shift in the theoretical perspective towards more local and new approaches (e.g., new social risks, new public management and intergovernmental relations).
As the political arguments on international power concept has gradually been deepened, the role of international regimes, defined as principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which nation-actors' expectations converge in a given issue-area, has also been reinforced. There are many ways of understanding about international regimes. In terms of realistic theories, international regimes are one of methods of maintaining hegemonic power order of hegemonic nation and in terms of liberalistic theories, international regimes are understood as the products of mutual inter-dependence of nations in changing international society. As a matter of fact, if we take structural causes and regime consequences into severe consideration, we can find not a few characteristics of international regimes, such as security regime, world trade and fiance regime, ocean regime, environmental regime, human right regime, etc. This paper will examine the changing concept of power after World War II in three categories of hard power (military power), meta power (regime creating power), and soft power (advanced in cultural, diplomatical, and technological power). This paper will provide the evidence of why the changing power concepts will be strongly related with the emergence of international regimes. The UN convention on the law of the sea will chosen as a standard case of the ocean regime and it's regime structure and role will also be analysed in both realistic :md liberalistic theories. Futhermore, the nations' interests involved in the UN convention on the law of the sea will be analytically classified and finally a future prospectus of the UN convention on the law of the sea as an ocean regime will be tested.
This is the time we need differentiated strategy due to consumer's standard of purchasing is becoming more complicated and corporate marketing war is intensely competitive. For a long-term strategy, making competitive corporate image is important because companies have their own competitiveness. In addition, importance of having a relationship with customer is magnified through consumers'direct and indirect experience. "The corporate complex cultural space is designed place for experiential marketing to convey its meaning to consumers." Under above concept, this study analyzed the theory of experiential marketing and conducted a survey which is based on experiential marketing strategic module (SEMs) using the analyzed theory. This study drew expression characteristics of space through case analysis and conducted a survey to have more effective corporate complex cultural space. As a result, the experience in the space enables people to understand of the space through five senses, not consist of simply chucks of sense-date, and this result emphasizes the importance of 'Event' because people tend to escape from restriction for reality to relive stress and have emotional satisfaction. In addition, it shows expression characteristics which provide sympathy as a flexible interaction through symbolical image. The result of the expression characteristics' survey is showed up to improve effect of corporate complex cultural space. This study is analyzing the corporate complex cultural space through experience marketing for the company which wants provide differentiated experience of various space expression methods and catching current position. Also, this study places its significance to give a way to increase space preference and effect of corporate complex cultural space. Based on the result of this study, I hope the future corporate complex cultural space will develop refreshingly.
Sim, Jun Hak;Jang, chan Kyu;Park, Sung Jun;Kim, Ki Won;Cho, Sang Keun;Park, Sang Hyuk
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
/
v.8
no.6
/
pp.531-536
/
2022
Megacities are emerging all over the world and gradually becoming the center of an country. Therefore, Megacities are inevitably exposed to various threats such as existing, potential, supra-national, and non-military. In particular, as seen in the recent Ukraine-Russia war, national infrastructure systems has become a major target of enemies. However, considering the size of Megacities, various types of threats, and limited resources, it is impossible to completely protect all national infrastructure systems. Therefore, wisdom is necessary to identify and protect critical nodes. The critical node is the vital point to which the national infrastructure is connected. To this end, in this study, as a method for logically and systematically identifying critical nodes, Node centrality analysis method, which is a network theory, and the Center of Gravity analysis method, which is a military theory, were presented.
The enemy will attempt to destroy our troop's core facilities using various fire supports at the beginning of war. Among these fire supports, artillery is given a most deal of weight and mine artillery is a great threat to our troops because it has a superior predominance on the ability of survival. A study about hitting mine artillery has been developed inside the military field only. However, these studies had been mostly qualitative analyses, thus having limitations in the aspects of nonobjectiveness and simplicity. Current study attempts to develop theory on hitting mine artillery beginning from mine opening until the target got hit, based on the assumption that one side which has inferior force will attack first. We studied on hitting mine artillery in a quantitative way using DEVS method.
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