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A Study on the Transmission Process of Yeoju-Palkyung in Old Poems and Map (팔경시와 고지도에 투영된 여주팔경의 전승양상)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.14-27
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    • 2011
  • The study reviewed the content and the meaning of the present Yeoju Palkyung(eight scenery) through analyzing and interpreting the Palkyung poems, old maps and paintings, and classic materials transmitted in Yeoju area, and investigated the transmission process. Although five scenes of the Yeoju Palkyungs illustrate abstract landscapes derived from the Sosang Palkyung, there are mixed with local sceneries showing famous historical ruins in the area and local life of the Yeogang(驪江: river). Seunggyeong(勝景) of Yeoju, highlighted in old paintings, has been emphasized through duplication the object and the view point field of Yeoju Palgyeong(驪州八詠), which is usually symbolized to sailing boats along the Yeogang, forests around Cheongshimru, and the layer Jeontap and Maam above Shinreuksa(神勒寺) Dongdae(東臺). It is quite undoubtful that the Yeoju Palyong of Choi Sukjeong and Seo Geojung is the copy of the present Yeoju Palkyung, but the present version is found to be all included in the Cheonggijeongsipyoung(淸奇亭十詠) of Cho Moonsu since the 17th Century, which shows that the Cheonggijeongsipyoung is viewed that it played an important role for the transmission of the Yeoju Palkyung. Also, it. is concluded that the Yeoju Palyong recorded in Yeojidoseo(與地圖書) is the same landscape collecting with the presend Yeoju Palkyung, which would be dated back at least until the mid 18th Century. In addition, given the fact that the studied old maps show Eight scenery, Sachoneohwa, Shinreukmojong, Yeontanguibum, Paldaejangrim, Yangdonagan, Ibanchungam, Pasagwau, and Yongmoonjeukchui, recorded consistently in the same time order, the eight scenic points in the old maps had been apparently established as the typical copy of the Yeoju Palkyung in the 18th Century. Therefore, the transmission route of the Yeoju Palkyung follows two separate versions, one starting from the Yeoju Palyong(Choi Sukjeung, Seo Geojeong) to Cheonggijeongpalyong to Yeoju Palyoung(Yeojidoseo) to the present. Yeoju Palkyung, and the other from the Yeoju Palyoung Geumsa Palyong(金沙八詠) to the old map Palkyung to the Yeoju Palkyung(the late 18th C). These two transmission processes have their own cultural sceneries having the same origin, which are different only in perspective which attempts to cover the representative scenic landscapes including Yeoju and Geumsa.

A Study On The Identity Of Yeonsegeuk(Kino-Drama) (연쇄극의 정체성 논의 - 총체예술론적 관점에서 -)

  • Kim, Sunam
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.25
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    • pp.5-30
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    • 2012
  • I. Identity of Yeonsegeuk as total arts. The purpose of the thesis is to arrange the identy of Yeonsegeuk(Kino-Drama) which is theatre or film. The process of study is tried to discuss on the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk. II. Appearance of Yeonsegeuk and negative disputation of yeonsegeuk The first imported Yeonsegeuk from Japanese in Korea is made by the group of Mizuno Ganggetsu(水野觀月) on Oct. 16. 1915 at Pusan and also to run in Seoul at Hwanggeumgwan. The first of Korean Yeonsegeuk is by Kim, Dosan, a leader of Singeukjwa(theare group) on Oct. 27. 1919 at Danseongsa. Before the liberation of Korea from Japan all made korean Yeonsegeuk are 28 works. III. Dramatic form of Yeonsegeuk I study on the relation between Yeonsegeuik and Sinpageuik(new theatre of modern drama in 1920's). I find that Yeonsegeuik admitted the thechnics of the Sinpageuik and the contents. If We think that the theatre is synthetic art which genealize all arts, we can insist that the Yeonsegeuk is valued the total art as new performance to comply with film art to theatre. Conclusionly Yeonsegeuk is called 'Expanded Theatre' as the new performance which must be dicussed in the view of total art. VI. Discussion on the the aethetic of Yeonsegeuk When we compare the structure of film with the structure of theatre, we can't find a diffrent element between the structure of two art in art semiotic. But we find a fact that film art has special elements in mechanics character which are camera working and motage. These technics influence on the audience's mind. It is different point between Japan and Korean's Kino-drama and Germany's that is to admit the aethetic of total art or not. V. Yeonsegeuk as new performance During Korean modern times Kino-drama was first a kind of total art with stage and screen. But it is regretable that Kino-drama didn't have the background of theory which discourse on the comprehension of total art. As the result Kino-drama bring the confusion of argument that Kino-drama is total art or expanded theatre. This confusion will be disputed on film art as performing arts or future art as expanded film and total art.

A Comparative Study on the Method of Internal Alchemy in Southern and Northern Schools of Taoism - Centering on Zhang Bo-duan and Wang Chung-yang (내단도교 남·북종의 단법 비교 -장백단과 왕중양을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Kyeong-soo
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.42
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    • pp.197-232
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    • 2014
  • Taoism is very political orientation from the start have. Internal alchemy has several factions, but southern school and northern school of taoism is typical of this. southern school begun from Zhang Bo-duan in north Song dynasty. Northern school is under Jin dynasty rule by Wang Chung-yang been established. Southern school did not create the platform, but northern school is developed mainly by the denomination from the first. Taoism is basically seek eternal life. Internal alchemy was created a unique discipline to reach the such stage with only Internal alchemy. Southern school's training methods were an elaborate series of logical structure with a counterpart, but northern school's methods is somewhat lacking logically. Southern school claim a training methods from the physical to mental through how to achieve it's ultimate goals, northern school took from mental to spiritual retreat methods that the way to achieve objectives. But northern school's theory of ascetic Practice is difficult to see that the contents are pure. Also, the labours of penance during his training process is the other way with Southern school. These differences are they closely associated with Confucianism and Buddhism, to understand the point of view. Southern school put a primary objective in the personal Practice, while northern school is fundamental to the relief of the people. This can see that has how long life times in southern school and northern school's main members. Because the members of southern school enjoyed great longevity, but northern school's main members was not enjoyed longevity. As a result, the southern school's flow is cut off and northern school became the center form a major organization in the history of china taoism. The southern school assimilated to the northern school. In a pure sense, host and guest's changed.

A study on distinctive view of Cheng I's the sage-theory (정이(程?) 성인론(聖人論)의 특징에 관한 고찰)

  • Kim, Sang-Rae
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.56
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    • pp.151-180
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    • 2018
  • Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

The Origin and Philosophy of the "Northerners School(北人)," and their Perception of the world (북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식)

  • Shin, Byung Ju
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.43-78
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    • 2011
  • The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

Aesthetic study on significance of equal temperament of Siakhwaseong (『시악화성(詩樂和聲)』의 평균율(平均律)의 의의(意義)에 관한 미학적(美學的) 탐구(探究))

  • Lee, jong jin
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.291-319
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    • 2016
  • The purpose of this study is aesthetical inquiry on agreement inherent in the 'Pyeongkunyul of "Siakhwaseong" "Yulryo" is to have come from the 'Taekuk'. as the structure of 'Yumyaungdaedae' which 'represents a "Dosu". it becomes "Habsanweil" and it consists of "HwangjongYul" on it. There are two kinds of ways to "Pyeongkunyul" and "Sambunsonikyul". "PyeongkunYul is characterized by soundly solving the challenges of the "Jueibulban". "Yulryo" is to pursue a 'Hwa' through that "Eum" response each other. The human ear to listen to "Yul" and can be divided "Yul" because the same "Eum" is to meet with one another. The other two 'Eum' at the same time the "Maeknory" is caused by the ratio of the frequency. because "Hwaibudong". In the "DongEum" and 'octave of Eum' is not a "Maeknory" when listening ear of a person 'Dong'. In contrast, "Hwa" is a sound relationship revealed in "12Yul" in "Dong Eum" with the exception of 'octaves of Eum', that is the most easy to hear 4Do(5Do) at "Yulryo" From the point of view for "Joenchecaeyong", 4do forms a pure sound there is no Maeknory, such as "Dongeum", only partial ones in the "12Yul" by "Sambunsonik". 4Do(5Do) in "Pyeongkunyul" although though the "Maeknory" of about times put to 3 seconds to occur, so that makes the perfect "Hwa" in all of the "12Yul" "Yulryo" is apparent to the sound. "YangYul" and "Eumryo" that began from "Taekuk" which must be extended to the same "Eumga" Therefore "12Yul" consisting "Pyeongkunyul" is based on the "Yackry" of "Habsanweil" As a whole to achieve the overall Harmony and based on the As aesthetical on agreement inherent of "Hwa".

Developing of 'benevolence and justice(仁義)' and 'individual's self desire(私欲)' in Chosŏn commentators of Daodejing (道德經) (조선시대 『노자(老子)』 주석서에서 '인의(仁義)'와 '사(私)' 개념의 전개)

  • Kim, YounGyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.31
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    • pp.241-262
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    • 2011
  • In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

Review of context & meaning of Jeongjeonje by Yi Hang-no (화서(華西) 이항노(李恒老)의 정전제(井田制) 주장과 그 함의(含意))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.48
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    • pp.195-223
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    • 2012
  • Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.

Kobayashi Issa's ≪Shi jing≫ Hiku-ka and that meaning (소림일다(小林一茶)의 ≪시경≫ 배구화(俳句化) 양상 고찰)

  • Yu, Jeong-ran
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.68
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    • pp.539-570
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    • 2017
  • This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

A Study on Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing (조귀명이 제시한 정관(靜觀)의 관찰 방법과 골계(滑稽)의 수사(修辭))

  • Kim, Kwang seub
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.72
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    • pp.35-66
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    • 2018
  • This thesis has examined Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing style. He tried to look at the world differently through observation and expressed relationship with the world through the style of comic. $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$ is a new way of looking at subjects and objects. It trust the senses and thoughts of the subject. So It is to clarify the circumstances and logic of the world from one's own point of view. In this case, it collides with the common thinking of the day. He put the reason and the action standard in the "taste" and the "mind". This means three things. First, he is proud that his reasons and actions are no different from those of a saint. Second, an individual is an independent being with different emotions and thoughts. Third, based on this, his works of literature have their own value. These reasons and actions were incarnated through '$J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)'s observation methods. What he gained from the three stages of $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)' is the 'great mind'. The first step is self-reflection. It is the process of objectifying oneself. The second target is the appearance of things. It's about looking at everything equally, whether it's precious or vulgar. The third object of observation is a harmonic. He is joining the movement of the harmonizers. Therefore, one's own reasons, actions, and works of literature share the same meaning as those of a harmonizer. He said that the description can change according to his own knowledge. It means that you can fit the situation. A typical example was the analysis of 'Sung Bo hyung hwasangchan'<成甫兄畵像贊>. He described Park Moon-soo's life as the lives of officials through comic. Through this, He criticized Park Moon-soo's natural nature of the academic world. but the situation in which he can't escape from bureaucratic life by inducing laughter. This style of writing is one of the most representative features which was written by Jo Guimyeong writer.