• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.45-53
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• 2003

In the face of trade opportunity of Chinese reformation and opening and the future largest single market, global or multinational companies and Korean, Japanese, Chinese, Hong Kong's and Taiwan's companies will go all out to catch hold of one quotient. One trading war is about to start for funds, elitists, technique, and management in China now. It might be difficult to get profits in Chinese markets. However, risks can bring challenges, and competition can make progress. It's time to prepare for the challenges in the golden opportunity laid in front of us all.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.41-60
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• 2022

Purpose - The policy implications of free trade agreements have traditionally been a matter of debate among economists. The official signing of the Korea-China Free Trade Agreement provides economists with a quasi-natural experiment to analyze the FTA's policy effects. This article aims to more accurately understand the impact of Korea's FTA accession on the macro economy. Design/methodology - This study adopts the counterfactual method based on panel data to find common factors in the generation process of macro data to fit the counterfactual path, to accurately evaluate the effect of the macro policy. Findings - Our research results show that the signing of the Korea-China FTA has a relatively significant short-term positive effect on Korea's economic growth. On average, Korea's real GDP growth rate has increased by 2.1%. This study finds evidence in support of FTA signing not having a significant impact on Korea's GDP growth in the long run. Additionally, we evaluated the impact of the FTA on Korea's imports and exports and found that it had a significant positive impact in the short term, but the trade effect of the FTA is significantly affected by the external macro-environment. Originality/value - First, this study uses macro panel data at the national level to examine the impact of the Korea-China FTA on Korea, and more accurately describes the policy effect of the FTA. Second, our empirical results show that the Korea-China FTA policy impact is subject to occasional changes in the external environment, such as the geopolitical conflict (crisis) between Korea and China, and the US-China trade war. Finally, the analysis shows that the short-term effect of FTA is significant but the long-term is uncertain, which provides empirical evidence for the debate on whether joining FTA can promote national economic growth.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.56-75
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• 2022

Purpose - This study examines the influencing factors of China's cross-border e-commerce exports in the context of the current situation and trends of China's cross-border e-commerce development. Through an improved trade gravity model, it provides more in-depth research and constructive opinions on the development of cross-border e-commerce in China. In this paper, factors such as consumption gap, volume of trade frictions, number of tourists, Internet usage and trade openness are added to the formula of the traditional trade gravity model in the improved trade gravity model to examine the influencing factors on China's cross-border e-commerce exports. Design/methodology - According to the empirical analysis, China's cross-border e-commerce exports to ten countries are used as dependent variables, and consumption gap, trade friction volume, trade distance, trade openness and number of Internet users are taken as independent variables. Regression analysis is conducted through a modified gravity model to test whether the hypotheses hold. Findings - The analysis shows that the hypothesis that China's cross-border e-commerce exports are influenced by trade openness, trade distance, consumption gap between trade parties, and the number of Internet users in the importing country is supported by these four hypotheses, but not all independent variables have an impact on them. Specifically, the number of travelers, trade frictions do not have an impact on China's cross-border e-commerce. That is to say, trade friction between China and the United States and political issues such as China-India and China-Japan territorial disputes that emerged before do not affect the development of cross-border e-commerce in China. Originality/value - The analysis shows that the factors influencing China's cross-border e-commerce exports are the trade openness of the importing country, the trade distance, the number of Internet users in the importing country, and the consumption gap between the two sides of the trade. The trade openness and the number of Internet users positively contribute to China's cross-border e-commerce, while the consumption gap and trade distance are negatively related to them. And the analysis found that the Sino-US trade war and the Sino-Indian territorial disputes and other trade frictions to China's cross-border e-commerce exports did not have a substantial impact.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.137-152
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• 2023

Purpose - Although many existing studies on the US-China hegemonic conflict and decoupling have been published, most of them are qualitative and use descriptive analysis methods. Papers that quantitatively analyzed decoupling mainly estimate the effect of a tariff increase. However, this paper quantitatively analyzed the ripple effect by focusing on decoupling technology spillover between the United States and China. And, for the first time, it was suggested that the blocking of technology spillover could give a fatal blow to the East Asian economy as well as China. Design/methodology - The United States is pursuing decoupling with China, primarily in goods trade and blocking technology transfer. This paper sets up various scenarios and uses three computational general equilibrium (CGE) models to analyze the overall ripple effects of decoupling. A paper using the three CGE models for decoupling ripple effect analysis has not yet been published. Findings - Decoupling will hit the economies of regions with close economic ties to China more than others. According to simulation results of this study, the Chinese economy may suffer severe damage that is difficult to recover from, and the economies of Asian countries are predicted to deteriorate to the point of being choked. Originality/value - Existing papers that assessed the effect of decoupling mostly focus on estimating the effect itself through tariff hikes. This paper is meaningful in that it comprehensively analyzed decoupling by adding the effect of technology spillover blockade. In addition, another meaning can be found in that it quantified for the first time that it will deal a huge blow to the extent of choking the East Asian economy as well as China.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.5-29
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• 2017

The Mahan's seapower theory has been the basis of US Navy to date as it can enjoy the supremacy status in all of the seas of the world. His theory is very straightforward. A nation can be a great country in the world just through the use of maritime commerce that could be protected by a strong and powerful navy. Mahan's theory on seapower was substantiated in the Spanish-American War with respect to how important the naval power is. The best thing to make US a great nation was to make sure that flow of international trade is smooth, and the unhindered trade could be made possible only by the destruction of enemy's fleet that may obstruct the SLOCs. That's why Mahan insisted that a strong navy was needed and a decisive battle by the navy's fleet at sea should be encouraged as a way of ensuring the safety of the SLOCs. The newly-arrived Trump administration seems to be in line with the Mahan's theory seapower in its policy on naval forces structure. It is expected that US will continue to support the Pivot to Asia policy that has been adopted by the previous administration through an increase in its naval fleet forces. The number of US navy ships will be 355 in 2030, rendering it much more powerful navy than before. The catch phrase "3rd Fleet Forward" proposed by the president Trump indicates that two carrier strike groups will be present in the Asia Pacific region, being able to make the confrontation between US and China more tense than before. The presence of the US naval forces in the area may function as some sort of pressure against China that Trump insisted had been responsible for the closure of 60,000 factories and the loss of 3,000,000 jobs in the United States.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.22
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• pp.255-285
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• 2004

After more than 15 years of negotiations, China was finally able to achieve the WTO membership, opening up new trade opportunities for China as well as existing WTO members. China accepted a special safeguard mechanism as one of its WTO- plus commitments. And in response, Korea has since introduced China special safeguard rules, which in simple terms, allows an invocation of safeguard measures against Chinese product imports under more lapse conditions than would normally be allowed under the existing general safeguard rules. China also introduced new safeguard rules in November 2001 in an effort to increase transparency in its operation of safeguard measures. However, the current article contends that the new rules pose a serious threat to free trade in the form of the retaliation provision, which enables China to take unilateral retaliatory actions against safeguard measures on Chinese product imports, It indicates that the provision could be operated in an arbitrary manner as the US Super 301, and lead to infringements of WTO disciplines. This paper indicates that the foregoing elements could lead to mort trade disputes between Korea China regarding safeguard measures and subsequent retaliations on the hills of the so called the Garlic War. The current article goes on to offer policy recommendations toward deterring such disputes. First, it recommends a more active invocation of Korea's own retaliatory provision against China's unilateral actions at least to gain negotiating leverage. Second, it sites problems involving China's still conspicuous state-trading practices, and proposes to raise issues again China to induce more faithful implementation of WTO disciplines Final, it stresses the importance of preventing disputes before they arise, and suggests several specific preventive measures.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.119-134
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• 2022

A new protectionism caused by the US-China competition and a following new Cold War would have a negative impact on global FDI. In this time, this study researched the effects of the long lasting global openness and liberalization on Korea's Inward FDI. 1,387 foreign invested companies in Korea were analyzed. The results are summarized as follows. First, Korea's FDI has been expanded under the environment of globalization. The IFDI amount and share in GDP increased. Seven countries out of the world top 10 were listed in Korea' the top 10. However, the share of the US and Japan's FDI in Korea's IFDI decreased. Second, non-manufacturing industry became prevalent in Korea's IFDI. Considering it's local market-oriented characteristics, the biggest investment motivation by global companies was Korean market pursuit. The US was more local market-oriented than Japan. Third, cross-border M&A, which became active in developed countries since 1980s, also kicked off in Korea from late 1990s. Global companies managed foreign-invested companies in Korea with shares close to wholly owned. The US had higher share ratios than Japan. The implications by this research are as follows. First, looming protectionism by a New Cold War would negatively affect Korea's IFDI through the adverse function of globalization. Second, Korea's IFDI has been converted to a market pursuit type being mainly leaded by non-manufacturing industry. Since GDP is the largest FDI motive in this type of FDI, the key policy for IFDI promotion is lying in the expansion of domestic market rather than deregulation.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.1-19
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• 2020

Recently, traditional trade in the global trade market has stagnated in the aftermath of the US-China trade war and the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. However, the global e-commerce market is growing rapidly, presenting a new opportunity for exports. To examine the effect of an online matching and logistics system on reverse overseas direct purchase and the mediating effect of reliability, this study conducted a questionnaire survey on 320 employees in a Korean trade company from March 10 to April 30, 2018. The study model's goodness of fit was tested, and an analysis was performed using the AMOS statistical package. The online matching and logistics system were found to have a positive effect on reverse overseas direct purchase. Furthermore, results revealed that while a country's reliability mediated online matching and reverse overseas direct purchase, it did not mediate the logistics system. These results mean that online matching is affected by a country's reliability in overseas consumers' buying decision process. This study provides implications for the future directions of export companies and national policies to promote reverse overseas direct purchase. Future research including more countries and companies would be able to make further contributions toward the development of the Korean cross-border e-commerce industry.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• Journal of Information Processing Systems
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.93-104
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• 2024

China is playing more predominant role in the liquefied natural gas (LNG) market worldwide and LNG import price is subject to various factors both at home and abroad. Nevertheless, previous studies rarely heed a multiple of factors. A time-varying parameter factor augmented vector auto-regression (TVP-FAVAR) model is adopted to discover the determinants of China's LNG import price and their dynamic impacts from January 2012 to December 2021. According to the findings, market fundamentals have a greater impact on the import price of natural gas in China than overall economic demand, financial considerations, and world oil prices. The primary determinants include domestic gas consumption, consumer confidence and other demand-side information. Then, there are diverse and time-varying spillover effects of the four common determinants on the volatility of China's LNG import price at different intervals and time nodes. The price volatility is more sensitive and long-lasting to domestic natural gas pricing reform than other negative shocks such as the Sino-US trade war and the COVID-19 pandemic. The results in this study further proves the importance of domestic natural gas market liberalization. China ought to do more to support the further marketization of natural gas prices while working harder to guarantee natural gas supplies.