• 비교문화연구
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• 제20권
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• pp.113-148
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• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• 대한건축학회논문집:구조계
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• 제35권4호
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• pp.175-184
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• 2019

To improve productivity in the architecture, construction and engineering industry, it is critical to understand both current and historic trends in construction productivity. This study analyzes and compares construction productivity trends of South Korea, the U.S., the U.K., and Japan 1995 to 2015 using the following three measures: construction labor productivity, construction duration per floor, and construction duration per 1,000 m2 floor area. As the results, the international competitiveness of each country varied according to which measures were used to analyze them. Among the four countries, the construction labor productivity of the U.S. was the highest, followed by that of South Korea. South Korea also had the second highest productivity growth rate, following that of Japan. On the other hand, when analyzed from the perspective of construction duration, the construction productivity in South Korea appeared relatively lower than those of other countries. There were differences in the location of construction competitiveness of each country analyzed by various measures. Therefore, to accurately diagnose and improve the construction competitiveness in South Korea, strategies based on various measures are need to established simultaneously.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.183-195
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• 2022

Purpose - The study attempted to analyze how the U.S.-China trade dispute affects a highly trade-dependent South Korea. Currently, major domestic and international institutions have issued a number of conflicting predictions that the trade dispute between China and the United States will have a positive and negative impact on South Korea. Accordingly, the present study attempted to analyze using actual data. Design/methodology/approach - The analysis was conducted using actual import and export data from the United States and China and actual import and export data from the United States and China from South Korea. The analysis measured the number and amount of imports and exports by year and month, and the rate of increase and decrease. We also looked at trade dispute days, import and export outcomes and what the impact was. In addition, as a result of the US-China trade dispute, the amount of change in Korea's imports and exports was analyzed. Findings - Empirical analysis shows that South Korea's exports to the United States and China have increased. The analysis results are as follows. First, exports to the United States increased by 5.65% in 2018 and 6.45% in 2019 compared to 2017. Second, exports to China surged 12.34% in 2018 compared to 2017. This increase in South Korea's exports to the United States and its mass exports to the United States shows that South Korea has benefited from the trade dispute between the United States and China. Research implications or Originality - South Korea, which is highly trade-dependent, has been heavily affected by the U.S.-China trade dispute. Various predictions are made about this. The analysis showed that South Korea's export volume has increased. In the end, the effect of the trade transition to the 3rd country did not occur. Rather, the U.S.-China trade dispute appears to have helped South Korea.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제78권
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• pp.206-242
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• 2016

이 연구는 1950년대 미국정부가 문화냉전의 와중에서 공공외교의 일환으로 해외에서 수행했던 도서 프로그램의 전체적인 윤곽을 살펴본 후, 한국에서 시행한 도서번역 사업의 전개 과정과 목적 및 내용을 분석하고, 사업의 성과와 의미를 검토하였다. 분석의 결과로, 한국에서의 미국 도서번역 사업은 미군정기부터 극히 미진한 수준에서 시작되었지만, 한국전쟁을 거치면서 본격화되어 1950년대 후반에 최고조에 도달했던 것으로 밝혀졌다. 1950년대 미국 국무성과 대외공보국(USIA)의 지침에 따라 주한 미공보원(USIS)이 수행했던 도서번역 사업의 목적은 시기에 따라 개별적인 비중이 변화되기는 했어도, 대체로 미국의 자유민주주의와 자본주의 체제의 우월성을 강조하고, 공산주의 사회의 부조리와 모순을 비판하며, 미국의 외교 정책에 대한 이해를 제고하고, 예술 문학 과학 부문에서의 미국의 성취를 전파하려 했던 것으로 확인되었다. 특히 번역 도서를 선정할 때 미국의 대외정책과 모순되거나 국가적 이미지를 훼손할 가능성이 있는 도서는 철저히 배제하였고, 미국정부의 공보정책에 기여할 것으로 판단되는 소수의 한국인 저작물에 대해서는 지원을 아끼지 않았으며, 도서번역 사업의 효과를 극대화하기 위해 일본어 번역서를 활용하는 것도 마다하지 않았다. 이러한 미국정부의 도서번역 사업은 한국이 해방과 분단으로 겪게 된 지식과 정보의 공백 상태를 극복하는 데 일정하게 기여했다고 평가할 수 있지만, 다른 한편으로 미국정부의 정책적 기준에 따른 도서 선정으로 말미암아 한국인들의 대미 인식이나 세계정세 판단에 왜곡을 초래했을 수도 있다고 생각된다.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.33-59
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• 2010

South Korea has the defense burdensharing agreement with the United States in reference to the U.S. troops stationed in Korea since 1991, based on Special Measure Agreement(SMA). Due to the growth of Korea's economic power and the U.S. provision of the security environment on Korean penninsula, the U.S. government steadily demanded the rise of contributions to common defense from South Korea and South Korea accepted most of the U.S. requests without proper principles of negotiation concerning the cost sharing. This paper analyzes the systems of the Korea－U.S. cost sharing program through a systems thinking, that yields desirable results with a little effort. The three policy leverages are: 1) the development of negotiation principles; 2) the policy making closely linked with National Defense Reform Basic Plan; 3) the policy making with responsibility burdensharing than cost burdensharing. This paper findings will contribute to the developing the Korea－U.S. cost sharing program by providing policy－makers and policy-practitioners with systematic understanding and insight into the dynamics of the program. Also, this will enable the program to execute more effectively with a concrete formula.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.89-100
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• 2017

지난 2017년 1월, 트럼프가 미국의 제 45대 대통령으로 취임하였다. 그는 대선기간 중에 '미국 우선주의'(America First)를 적극적으로 표방하였다. 그의 이런 주장이 대외정책에 있어서 '고립주의'(Isolationism)를 표방하는 것으로 비취지고 있다. 북한의 핵위협에 대하여 미국의 '확장억제'(Extended Deterrenc)에 전적으로 의존하고 있는 한국에 있어서 이는 단순한 문제가 아니다. 즉 미국이 고립주의로 회귀하여 한미동맹 공약이행 의지가 약화되는 것으로 인식될 경우 북한의 오판 가능성은 그만큼 높아질 것이기 때문이다. 그동안 한국사회에서는 미국으로부터 안보를 지원받고 정책적 공조를 제공하는 전형적인 '비대칭 동맹'(Asymmetry Alliance)인 한미동맹의 가치를 재평가하려는 다양한 시도가 있었다. 이에 북한의 고도화된 핵도발 위협에 효과적으로 대응하고, 신장된 한국의 국력수준에 부합된 한미동맹의 효용성을 동맹이론에 입각하여 평가해보고 대책을 강구하였다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 한미동맹을 '자율성-안보 교환 모델'에 기초하여, 위협인식, 정책공조와, 동맹국으로서 가치 측면으로 구체화하여 평가해보고, 향후 한미동맹의 전략적 함의를 도출하였다.

• 한국IT서비스학회지
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.169-184
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• 2016

Smartphone use is rapidly spreading due to the advantage of being able to connect to the Internet anytime, anywhere--and mobile app development is developing accordingly. The characteristic of the mobile app market is the ability to launch one's app into foreign markets with ease as long as the platform is the same. However, a large amount of prior research asserts that consumers behave differently depending on their culture and, from this perspective, various studies comparing the differences between consumer behaviors in different countries exist. Accordingly, this research, which uses online product reviews (OPRs) in order to analyze the cultural differences in consumer behavior comparatively by nationality, proposes to compare the U.S. and South Korea by selecting ten apps which were released in both countries in order to perform a sentimental analysis on the basis of star ratings and, based on those ratings, to interpret the sentiments in reviews. This research was carried out to determine whether, on the basis of ratings analysis, analysis of review contents for sentiment differences, analysis of LDA topic modeling, and co-occurrence analysis, actual differences in online reviews in South Korea and the U.S. exist due to cultural differences. The results confirm that the sentiments of reviews for both countries appear to be more negative than those of star ratings. Furthermore, while no great differences in high-raking review topics between the U.S. and South Korea were revealed through topic modeling and co-occurrence analyses, numerous differences in sentiment appeared-confirming that Koreans evaluated the mobile apps' specialized functions, while Americans evaluated the mobile apps in their entirety. This research reveals that differences in sentiments regarding mobile app reviews due to cultural differences between Koreans and Americans can be seen through sentiment analysis and topic modeling, and, through co-occurrence analysis, that they were able to examine trends in review-writing for each country.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

지난 66년간 한미동맹은 냉전시기에 미국이 한국에게 안보를 지원하고 한국은 미국에게 정책의 자율성을 일부 양보하는 전형적인 비대칭 동맹이었다. 그러나 이명박 정부는 군사적 성격의 한미동맹을 '포괄적 전략 동맹', '가치동맹'으로, 박근혜 정부는 '협력의 프론티어', '글로벌 파트너십'으로 발전시켰으며, 문재인 정부는 '호혜적·포괄적 동맹'으로의 발전을 국가안보전략에서 밝혔다. 본 연구는 트럼프 행정부의 동맹정책 변화에 따른 한국의 정책적 자율성을 보장하기 위해 한미 동맹정책 발전을 위한 호혜적·포괄적 한미동맹관계 구축 방안을 모색하는 것이 목적이다. 연구에 따른 분석결과는 한미동맹의 호혜적·포괄적 구축을 위해 한국은 미국이 추진하는 '인도-태평양 전략' 참여와 양국의 상호 경제적 이익을 위한 지속적인 외교적 노력 그리고 공공외교 강화의 필요성을 보여 준다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권3호
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• pp.169-196
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• 2005

The point of Bush administraion’s foreign policy is to support the promotion and stability of Democracy in Iraq and counter terrorism and spread of WMD with his strong propulsive force caused by his reelection. In such an environment, there are his leadership, his team, himself, Kim Jung Il, and a new understanding of North Korea after September 11 as the effective factors of Bush administration’s policy toward Pyongyang. Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea also shows the process of North Korea’s nuclear weapon program and the future scenario of the Korean Peninsula with "the persistence of solving North Korea’s nuclear weapon program such as the method having done in Lybia", "the holding unconditional talks with Pyongyang, and "the continual concerns with human rights in North Korea." The purpose of Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea is to make North Korea do not support terrorism rather than remove the nuclear weapon in North Korea. The process of outlining South Korea’s policy toward North Korea must be considered for "national interest" with reasonable analyses not just hopes For this, South Korea must access systematically human rights of North Korea, prepare projects for a daring approach on North Korea, and strengthen South Korea’s defense ability toward North Korea with deep alliance with U.S and systematize the mutual understanding channel between U.S and South Korea. In conclusion, South Korea must try to get specific methods and practices about Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea with national wisdom