• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.4
• /
• pp.90-107
• /
• 2013

The Stone Monument of Taejong King in Heonreung Royal Tomb, Seoul was originally erected in 1424 to pay a tribute to Bang Won Lee's achievement who was named Taejong, the Third King of Joseon Dynasty. The monument has been damaged by Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 so that another monument was newly made and erected together with the original monument in 1695. The original monument was made of medium-grained biotite granite for the turtle base and medium-grained milky white crystalline limestone for the stele body and the top stone. The turtle base of the original monument is destroyed beyond the original shape and inscription due to irregular shaped breaking and a set of longitudinal crack. Analyzing the deterioration degree by using nondestructive methods, the 88 percentage of the front area and 38 percentage of the back area of the monument are damaged, and the lower part of the stele body is dominantly deteriorated especially due to the combination of discoloration and physical deterioration. The new monument in 1695 is also made of granite and limestone. The weathering indices of the turtle base and stele body stones by the calculation from ultrasonic velocity are 0.10 and 0.74, respectively. This is because the original monument is presumed to be degraded by heat shock and physical attack during the Japanese war, and the long-term outdoor exposure accelerated the weathering of the monument afterward without protective shelter.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.4
• /
• pp.52-63
• /
• 2016

The Stupa of Buddhist Monk Soyo in Baegyangsa temple, Jangseong, was erected to pay a tribute to the achievement of the Buddhist monk Soyo, who worked for Baegyangsa temple as a chief monk, and is a bellshaped stupa with the detailed pattern of a Korean traditional buddhist bell. It is composed of pinkish-grey sandstone and the body of the stupa was damaged by longitudinal cracks on the front and back areas and the exfoliation caused break-out in the most part of the sculpture on the left and right areas. According to the ultrasonic test and infrared thermography analysis for physical deterioration diagnosis, most weathering aspects appeared on the body of the stupa and some exfoliated part that could not be seen with the naked eye was detected 6.1% and 5.9% on the left and right side respectively. Hyperspectral imaging analysis was also carried out to assess biological deterioration. According to the result, the surface of the stupa was covered 71.8 ~ 79.9% with vegetation like algae, lichen and moss. NDVI(Normalized Difference Vegetation Index) was higher relatively on the bottom part near the ground, right and back areas of the stupa. Therefore conservation treatment for the exfoliated part and bio-deterioration is necessary and the environment condition needs to be fixed to prevent extra damages on the stupa.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.44
• /
• pp.155-197
• /
• 2015

Disaster of Sewol took place in one year. Meanwhile, the victim's family and the call time record academics have tried to record it. Ansan activists have moved to objectives such as civil records committee also pivotal. The citizens committee under the dictation recording oral history team has a diverse group of people associated with the time issue. bereaved families were collected from the oral as well as volunteers, religious personnel, activists, Ansan citizens and various people. Disasters around the world is also an important event to remember and honor the people together, and one of the most effective means to record There it is establishing an oral history archive. Does not leave a lot of nature history of sudden disasters that occur, as well as a tribute record dictation telling people of diverse perspectives on events helps a lot closer to the reality of the event. Erected in the National September 11 Memorial Museum to honor the Sept. 11 attacks and provide a variety of programs to chaerok dictation of the people involved with 9/11. To remember the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing 'Our Marathon' of crowdsourcing digital archive was built. In the archives of the local universities and institutions were created to collaborate actively and gathering oral history. Pan Am Flight 103 pieces terror has established an archive from Syracuse University. Here, neither graduates, faculty, and to the victim's family and friends gather and oral hitory. Disaster-related Sewol neither should be able to be used as in the case of foreign well, and it should continue to honor the victims of the collection. It also ought to occasion again to avoid this disaster on earth.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.73
• /
• pp.91-117
• /
• 2018

In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
• /
• v.24 no.3
• /
• pp.413-431
• /
• 1994

The purpose of this study was to build a substantive theory about the experience of the family whose child has died of cancer The qualitative re-search method used was grounded theory. The interviewees were 17 mothers who had cared for a child who had died of cancer Traditionally in Korea, mothers are the care givers in the family and are considered sensitive to the family's thoughts, feelings. The data were collected through in-depth interviews by the investigator over a period of nine months. The data were analyzed simultaniously by a constant comparative method in which new data are continuously coded into categories and properties according to Strauss and Corbin's methodology. The 16 concepts which were found as a result of analyzing the grounded data were, -left over time, the empty place, meaninglessness, inner sadness, situational sadness, heartache, physical pain, guilt, resentment, regret, support / stigmatization, finding meaning in the death, changing attitudes about life and living, changing attitudes about health, changing religious practice and changing family relations. Five categories emerged from the analysis. They were emptiness, consisting of left over time, the empty place and meaninglessness ; sadness, consisting of inner sadness and situational sadness ; pain, consisting of heartache and physical pain ; bitterness, consisting of guilt, resentment, regret, sup-port / stigmatization and finding meaning in the death : and transition, consisiting of changing attitudes about life and living, changing attitudes about health, changing religious practice and changing family relations. These categories were synthesized into the core concept, -the process of filling the empty space. The core phenomenon was emptiness. Emptiness varied with the passing of time, was perceived differently according to support / stigmatization and finding meaning in the death, was followed by sad-ness, pain, and bitterness, and finally resulted in changes in attitudes about life and living and about health, and in changes in religious practice and family relations. The process of filling the empty space proceeded by ① accepting realty, ② searching for the reason for the child's death, ③ controlling the bitter feelings, ④ reconstructing the relationships ameng death, illness and health and ⑤ filling the emptiness by resolving causes of child's death, adopting, having another child or with work. Six hypotheses were derived from the analysis. ① The longer the bereavement, the mere the empty space becomes filled. ② The longer the hospitalization, the more sup-port the family needs. ③ The more the sadness, pain and bitterness are expressed, the mere positive changes emerge. ④ Family support faciliates the process of filling the empty space. ⑤ Higher family cohesiveness faciliates the process of filling the empty space. ⑥ The greater the variety of reasons attributed to the child's death, the greater the variety of patterns of change. Four propositions related to emptiness and bitter-ness were developed. ① When the sense of emptiness is great and bitterness is manifested by severe feelings of guilt and resentment, the longer the process of fill-ing the empty space. ② When the sense of emptiness is great and the family is highly motivated to get rid of the bitterness, the shorter the process of filling the empty space. ③ When the sense of emptiness is less and bitter-ness is manifested by severe feelings of guilt and resentment, the process of filling the empty space is delayed. ④ When the sense of emptiness is less and the family is highly motivated to get rid of the bitterness, the process of filling the empty space goes on to completion. Through this substantive theory, nurses under-stand the importance of emptiness and bitterness in helping the family that has lost a child through cancer fill the empty space. Further research to build substantive theories to explain other losses may con-tribute to a formal theory of how family health is restored after human tragedies are experienced.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.2
• /
• pp.116-139
• /
• 2017

Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.16-33
• /
• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.78-92
• /
• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.3
• /
• pp.11-37
• /
• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.368-382
• /
• 2012

This paper investigated the system that is relevant to Jang(fermented soybean paste or solution), the relief of hunger-stricken people by Jang, 33 kinds of Jang, and its consumption in the documents, such as the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seungjeongwon daily, Uigwe(record of national ceremony), official documents on the basis of Kyujanggak institute for the Korean studies and data base of Korean classics. There are lots of Jang named after the place of particular soybean's production from the ancient times. Jang, soybean, salt and Meju(source of Jang), during the Dynasty, were collected as taxation or tribute. In the 5th year of Hyeonjong(1664), the storage amount of soybean in Hojo(ministry of finance) was 16,200 $k{\ell}$, and its consumption was 7,694 $k{\ell}$ a year. In the 32nd year of Yongjo(1756), the 1,800 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was distributed to the people at the time of disaster, and in his 36th year(1756), the 15,426 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was reduced from the soybean taxation nationwide. The offices managing Jang are Naejashi, Saseonseo, Sadoshi, Yebinshi and Bongsangshi. Chongyoongcheong(Gyeonggi military headquarters) stored the 175.14 $k{\ell}$ of Jang, and the 198 $k{\ell}$ of Jang in Yebinshi. There are such posts managing Jang as Jangsaek, Jangdoo, and Saseonsikjang. In the year of Jeongjong(1777~1800), the royal family distributed the 3.6 $k{\ell}$ of Meju to Gasoon-court, Hygyeong-court, queen's mother-court, queen's court, royal palace. The 13.41 $k{\ell}$ of Gamjang(fermented soybean solution) was distributed to the Gasoon-court, 17.23 $k{\ell}$ to Hegyeong-court, 17.09 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's mother-court, and the 17.17 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's court each. There are 112 Jang-storing pots in the royal storages, and the 690 are in Namhan-hill, where the 2.7 $k{\ell}$ of fermented Jang was made and brought back by them each year. At the time of starvation, Jang relieved the starving people. There are 20 occasions of big reliefs, according to the annals of the Chosun Dynasty. In the 5th year of Sejong(1423), the 360 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was given to the hunger-stricken people. In his 6th year(1424), the 8,512.92 $k{\ell}$ of rice, bean, and Jang was provided and in the 28th year(1446), the 8,322.68 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was also provided to them. In the Dynasty, Jang was given as a salary. In case that when they were bereaved, they didn't eat Jang patiently for its preservation. They were awarded for their filial piety. In the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, there are 19 kinds of Jang. They are listed in the order of Jang(108), Yeomjang(90), Maljang(11), Yookjang(5), Gamjang(4), and etc.,. In Seungjeongwon daily, there are 11 kinds of Jang. Jang(6), Cheongjang (5), Maljang(5), and Tojang(3) are listed in order. In the Ihlseong-document, there are 5 kinds of Jang. They are listed in Jang(15), Maljang(2), Gamjang(2), and etc.,. There are 13 kinds of Jang in Uigwe, and the official documents, in the order of Gamjang(59), Ganjang(37), Jang(28), Yeomjang(7), Maljang(6), and Cheongjang(5). In addition, shi are Jeonshi(7), and Dooshi(4). All these are made of only soybean except, for Yookjang. The most-frequently recorded Jang among anthology, cookbook, the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seoungjeongwon daily, Uigwe, or official document is Jang(372), and then Yeomjang(194), Gamjang(73), Cheongjang(46), Ganjang(46), Soojang(33), and Maljang(26), which were made of soybean. Jang from China in cookbook is not in anthology and royal palace documents. Thus, traditional Jang made of soybean was used in the daily food life in the royal court, and in the public during the Chosun period.