Nowadays migrations between the countries are getting each day more active and a mixture of people with different cultural backgrounds strengthens the hybridism, whereupon the point of view on the migration of Koreans has been changed from a diasporan perspective to an transnational one. The expansion of the transnationalism affects the identity of the subsequent generations of the immigration giving way to a psychologically deterritorialized social identity, which is an important consideration in the study of subsequent generations of the immigration. This study examined the Korean immigration history and the current status of the Korean community in Spain since the 1960s. The early immigrants like fishing vessel crew members, instructors of Taekwondo, chicken sexers who, despite the limits of foreigners in Spain, went to find out the source of life with no hesitation, overcame the difficulties of the early settlers and finally managed to achieve local success. Current history of immigration that began in the mid-1960s went through the maturity during the 1970s and 80s and the Koreans in Spain these days, who have undergone differentiation in the occupational structure because of the crisis of pelagic fisheries, face new challenges due to changes in the environment of the country they reside. The Korean community is regarded as an 'exemplary minority group (Model Minority)' even though it is a minority group in number. Now that the interest for overseas Koreans is higher than ever at home and abroad, due to the economic growth of the Republic of Korea, the spread of its cultural influence -the Korean Wave as proof-, and the overseas Koreans suffrage conducted, the research of the Korean residents in Spain will be important as an advanced research of an unexplored field, as well as an opportunity to broaden the horizons of the existing study area that has mainly dealt with major regions only.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
/
v.13
no.1
/
pp.89-110
/
2010
Relying on the concept of "multicultural space", this paper aims to examine the ways in which the adaptation of foreign professional migrants to the Korean society has been geographically differentiated. Due to the limits of spatial perspectives, existing studies on the adaptation of foreign migrants to the Korean society tend to ignore the geographical variations in the ways in, and the degrees at, which foreign migrants have been adapted into the Korean society. There are, however, significant regional variations in the living conditions, physical and cultural environments, and economic opportunities that are given to the foreign migrants in Korea, so that the adaptation of foreign migrants to the Korean society is regionally differentiated. In order to prove this, this paper explores whether and how the ways in which foreign professional migrants have adapted to the Korean society have been regionally differentiated on the basis of questionnaire surveys and statistical analyses.
Since China adopted Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) in the water sector in the early 1990s, PPPs have played a key role in improving infrastructure development in China. As the Chinese water market became one of the most enormous and potential existing in the world, once a water player settles down in the market, the company tends to be the world-leading water player on the basis of the number of people served from water infrastructure. Unlike the early PPP period overwhelmed by several water transnational corporations, local water players began to dominate the domestic market and have recently expanded their influence overseas. The Chinese government has continuously intervened to promote private sector participation of local water players in the PPP development process in legal and institutional aspects. Thus this article examined the development of water PPPs in China and analyzed the successful elements of local water players' growth related to the government policy.
The study of online social movements is basically concerned about the impact of the Internet on the existing social movements. More specifically, researchers have paid attention to changes in participants, leadership style and movement strategies caused by the Internet. Due to the Internet, networks of the individuals who are geographically scattered or a network of networks have emerged as new movement agents. Researchers have also analyzed a repertoire of collective action adopted by the online social movements. The increase in online social movements calls for a new interpretation of the existing social movement theories such as resource mobilization, collective identity and political opportunity structure. There are still a lot of debate about the impact of the internet on social movement and the resulting changes. Not only the early debate of cyber-optimism and cyber-scepticism, many studies done by the mid-range perspective also suggested different arguments on the impact of the Internet. This discrepancy comes from a relatively short history of online social movement study, which leads to a limited number of case studies and a shortage of date accumulations. In the future, researchers need to place more attention on the unique characteristics of different technologies and comparative studies of online social movements. The study should also extend its focus to a wide range of political systems in order to explain the impact of online social movements on political intermediary organizations and the democracy itself.
This paper explores what we call 'the problem of undone social science' by examining the lack of interests in the social, ethical, and legal issues of synthetic biology among social scientists in Korea. This new field of science, which has emerged in the twenty-first century with the promise of solving future problems of energy, food, and disease in the world, has also created a considerable degree of anxiety over the issues of bioethics, biosafety, and biosecurity. From its beginning, therefore, researchers of synthetic biology in Europe and the U.S. have sought to engage social scientists in their projects. Yet scientists and social scientists in Korea have shown no sign of working together to deal with both potential benefits and risks of synthetic biology. Why this silence? What strategic moves would be needed to overcome the structural barrier for their collaboration? Surveying the diverse methodologies developed during and after ELSI (ethical, legal, social implications) experiments, this paper aims to provide three suggestions that might make possible mutually profitable and continuously stimulating dialogues between the two worlds of science and social science: first, institutionalize the ELSI studies on any newly emerging science and technology of concern; second, explore diverse post-ELSI methodologies experimented elsewhere and develop ones that might be applicable best to the Korean situation; and third and perhaps most important, create an intellectual space and a lawful protection for social scientists to exercise their research freedom at the reasonable level and receive a fair review by their peers, not solely by funding agencies and scientific organizations.
As all aspects of international activity have kept growing in good transaction, transnational investments, joint ventures, and the licensing of intellectual property, it is inevitable for disputes to increase across national frontiers. International disputes can be settled by arbitration and ADR. In the situation presented in the paper, any dispute shall be finalized by arbitration and conciliation in the Gaeseong Industrial Complex. Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration in the Gaeseong Industrial Complex has become the principal method of resolving disputes in trade, commerce, and investment in accordance with the "Agreement on South-North Commercial Dispute Settlement Procedures," "Agreement on Organization and Operation of Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration Committee," and the Annexed Agreement on "Organization and Operation of Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration Committee" (2013). But the follow-up measures of the said agreements have not been fulfilled. Some prerequisite measures of the Inter-Korean commercial arbitration must be satisfied. In order to proceed with arbitration and conciliation in the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, we need to ask the following: Does the status of an arbitrational matter? Should an agreement to arbitrate contain a choice of law clause? Should one provide for one arbitrator or three? How should the arbitrators be selected? What is the relation between party-appointed arbitrators and the presiding arbitrator (neutral arbitrator)? Do arbitrators compromise more than the litigation? Can conciliation be combined with arbitration? To execute the enactment of arbitration regulations, the contents of the Arbitration Rules of the Korean Commercial Arbitration Board (South) and the Korea International Trade Arbitration Committee (North), together with the Korean Arbitration Act and External Arbitration Act of North Korea and the UNCITRAL Model Arbitration Law and UNCITRAL l Arbitration Rules are reflected in the Rules. There are many aspects of the Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration. It is essential to understand key elements; namely, the arbitration agreement, appointment of arbitrator, arbitral proceeding and arbitral award, and enforcement and setting aside of arbitral award. This research deals with five chapters. Chapter 1 provides the introduction. Chapter 2 deals with trade volume between South and North Korea and the kinds of dispute in Gaeseong. Chapter 3 addresses contents and follow-up measures of the agreement on the "South-North Commercial Dispute Settlement Procedures," "Agreement on Organization and Operation of Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration Committee," and the Annexed Agreement on "Organization and Operation of Inter-Korean Commercial Arbitration Committee" (2013). Chapter 4 features the problems and tasks of the pertinent agreements. Chapter 5 gives the conclusion. Enabling parties to find an amicable solution to the dispute in the Gaeseong Industrial Complex can lead to a useful and appropriate framework either through direct negotiation or by resorting to conciliation or mediation in accordance with pertinent agreements and follow-up measures contained in the agreements.
Many States such as Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Florida were obtained either from Spanish Empire or from Mexico. In 1848 due to the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty America could obtain half of the original territory of Mexico. American identity cannot be understood without the history of American expansionism further consolidated by the Spanish-American War in 1898, which brought other ex-Spanish colonies such as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines to the US. The US's interest in these territories dates back to the Monroe doctrine in 1823 when Monroe "declared the Americas off-limits to any new European colonization." America justifies their expansion based on the notion of Manifest Destiny which was created by O'Sullivan at the hight of American fever to annex Texas to US. The intent of this paper is to study how Anglo-Saxon and Latin Culture clashed against each other especially right before and after the Spanish-American War. In this study the American hero, Theodore Roosevelt and Latin American hero, $Jos{\acute{e}}$ Martí will be compared, though they did not meet each other during the Spanish-American war due to Marti's early death in 1895 at the battle for the Cuba Libre. Their comparison is significant in that the former represents the American expansionist spirit and the latter the spirit of Anti-imperialism and Anti-Anglocentrism. Along with the concept of Manifest Destiny of America, 'American exceptionalism' is also mentioned which motivates U.S. to expand further even after the Spanish-American war in the form of 'informal imperialism' characterized by 'gunboat politics'of the US. These discussions will draw attention to how recent theorists such as Bryce Traister criticizes the Border Theory represented by $Jos{\acute{e}}$ David Saldívar. Here the Border Theory is criticized to repeat the discourse of the globalized capitalism which prefers the weak state and the transnational aspects by focusing on the in-betweenness of the border. In the end the paper will focus on how the Border theory as represented by Saldivar is political enough and sets up a resistant example against American expansionism of today in its focus on the call for pan-American and pluri-versal subjectivity of the borderlands. This point will be supported by a discussion of how Saldivar's view is confirmed by Walter Mignolo who advocates the "bottom up" resistance of the indigenous people of Chiapas and other social forums such as World Social Forum and the Social Forum of the Americas derived from the Zapatistas' movement whose motto is "A World in which many world co-exist."
This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.
Donald Trump, the $45^{th}$ president of the United States, has revived the 'English Only' policy since the beginning of his presidential campaign. The monolingualism not only underscores his extremely conservative ideas, but it also reflects the nativist tendency that prevents the demographic and cultural transformation of the US, which is accelerated by globalization and transnational migration. In particular, Donald Trump tries to reconfirm the mainstream American culture that is now thought to have been threatened by Hispanization and the growing number of Spanish speakers. This paper examines the effects of "code-switching" and the possibility of a bilingual community by contrasting Donald Trump with Gloria $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$, one of the representative Latina writers who created a "border language." Borderlands/La Frontera (1987) includes Spanish glossaries and expressions to represent her bilingual realities, while attempting to translate from English to Spanish, and vice versa. However, the text occasionally demonstrates the impossibility of translation. In doing so, $Anzald{\acute{u}}a$ indirectly states that it is indispensable to present both languages at the stage; she also invites monolingual readers to make more efforts to learn and better understand the Other's language. A "border language" she attempts to embody throughout the text is created in the process of encounters, conflicts, and negotiations among languages of different ethnicities, classes and generations. It does not signify an established form: rather it appears as a constantly transforming language, which can provide us with new perspectives and an alternative way of communication beyond monolingualism.
This article focuses on analysing and interpreting cultural imperialism issues that have long been debated. One of issues among them is related to the characteristics of international cultural fluid. What had been debated is that cultural imperialism has been ended or not and the debates were connected to the so called 'reverse cultural imperialism'. The other issue is about this fluid is the continuation of globalization or a part of localization and this is related to the phenomena of cultural homogenization or hybrid. General trend was that simplistic cultural imperialism which had been occurred during the 1970s and 1980s was no longer effective but global dominance by transnational global media is still strong and worldwide. Therefore my research interest is centered on how they look international cultural exchanges with regard to cultural imperialism. And is the framework of cultural imperialism thesis still effective tool in researching and analysing international cultural flows? How do we look globalization relating to international exchanges? Is globalization an another aspect of imperialism? In conclusion, international cultural fluid is not so simple. Like natural phenomena or human progress, a phenomenon is not consisted of a single factor or relation. Cultural fluid is a complex one mixed with various phenomena and relations. This is related to internal and external contradictions, internal and external dynamics of a society and nation, and social and cultural life of human beings. Recent research results show that globalization and localization are closely related to many country's programming schedule, and particular cultural interpretation of specific programmes and culture are adopted to the country's culture and patterns. Cultural fluid has both-sides. One the hand it has useful and positive sides and on the other hand it has harmful and negative aspects. Imperialistic factor, globalization, cultural homogenization or hybrid are all operated and functioned together in cultual fluid. It is difficult to say that cultural imperialism thesis has been ended because American and global media's dominance is still effective. What needed at this time for us is a complex and dynamic analysis of international cultural fluid instead of simplistic cultural imperialism.
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