• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.39-47
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• 2019

Purpose: This study was performed to investigate the current status of pediatric palliative care provision and how it is perceived by the palliative care experts. Methods: A descriptive study was conducted with 61 hospice institutions. From September through October 2017, a questionnaire was completed by experts from the participating institutions. Data were analyzed using SPSS 21.0. Results: Among 61 institutions, palliative care is currently provided for pediatric cancer patients by 11 institutions (18.0%), all of which are concentrated in Seoul, Incheon and Gyeonggi and Gyengsang provinces; 85.2% of all do not plan to provide specialized pediatric palliative care in the future. According to the experts, the main barriers in providing pediatric palliative care were the insufficient number of trained specialists regardless of the delivery type. Experts said that it was appropriate to intervene when children were diagnosed with cancer that was less likely to be cured (33.7%) and to move to palliative care institutions when their conditions worsened (38.2%); and it was necessary to establish a specialized pediatric palliative care system, independent from the existing institutions for adult patients (73.8%). Conclusion: It is necessary to develop an education program to establish a nationwide pediatric palliative care centers. Pediatric palliative care intervention should be provided upon diagnosis rather than at the point of death. Patients should be transferred to palliative care institutions after intervention by their existing pediatric palliative care team at the hospital is started.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.114-159
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• 2012

The Northern Song Dynasty Period (北宋時代) was a drastic transitional era in all aspect of Chinese society including the politico-economic system, ideology and cultural trait. These changes that began in the late Tang (唐) Dynasty Period accomplished in the Northern Song Dynasty. In this phase, the fundamental change influenced in all institutional area; and among them, the capital city planning and its associating building technology to pile stone walls shows one of the significant change of those time. Based on the geographical factor, confluences of many rivers, the Kaifeing (開封) area where the BianLieng palace had developed as a political and economical centre since the Tang Dynasty when the Grand Canal was constructed. According to archaeological researches, the central city structure of Dongjing Walled Town was begun to plan in the late Tang Dynasty and formed in Five Dynasties. The fundamental functional change of city completed in the Midnorthern Song Dynasty. In spite of the relatively late beginning of archaeological investigations to Kaifeng Walled Town and Dongjing Walled Town due to unfavourable natural environment, excavations inaugurated since 1981 have achieved the significant investigations including the actual measurement and excavation to the outer wall, the preliminary excavation to the inner city area, the investigation and excavation to the royal palace of Song and the survey to the royal palace of King Zho in the Ming (明) Dynasty. These surveys have provide important data to reconstruct the 변량 palace, and elucidate the characteristics of city plan in the Dongjing Walled Town and the institutional change of capital city plan of the Northern Song Dynasty. The basic layout of Dongjing Walled Town reflect the realisation of ideality of the late Chinese medieval capital city structure that establish the commercial and economic centre based on the intensification of emperor's power by means of the organisation of ethical institution and the development of commercial economy. Firstly, the central place of the Kaifeng area is encircled with triple walls. This emphasise the authority of emperor located on the summit in the hierarchical ethic system succeeding to the main capital city plan of the late phase of ancient China. Secondly, the location of Dongjing Walled Town was decided by the transport network and the commercial function and defence function. Thirdly, this site shows the change of city structure and landscape of the Northern Song Dynasty. The closed Fengri (坊里: block) system transferred the open Jiexiang (街巷: road) system. Fourthly, the capital city was characterised by the free market trade and the diversification of market place. Fifthly, a convenient transport network in the Bian River, a centre of the Grand Canals, enabled to construct the Kaifeng Walled Town. Therefore, the Northern Song Dynasty continuously accomplished the developed water system as concerning about the utilisation of waterways after the construction of city.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.54
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• pp.111-150
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• 2017

This paper examines the current situation of sources on Korean Class B and C war criminals attached as civilians to the Japanese military during the Asian Pacific War charged with cruelly treating Allied POWs in Japanese POW camps, and also explores the possibility of a joint Korean-Japanese archive of these sources. The Japanese government agreed to the judgement of war crimes by accepting the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, and the Allied troops carried out the judgement of Class B and C war crimes in each region of Asia and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (also known as the Tokyo Trials). However, many non-Japanese such as Koreans and Taiwanese from the Japanese colonies were prosecuted for war crimes. The issues of reparations and restoring their reputations were ignored by both the Korean and Japanese governments, and public access to their records restricted. Most records on Korean Class B and C war criminals were transferred from each ministry to the National Archives of Japan. The majority are copies of the judgements of war crimes by the Allied nations or records prepared for the erasure of Japanese war crimes after each department operated independently of the Japanese government. In the case of the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, such records focused mostly on their war crimes and the transfer of B and C war criminals within Japan and the diplomatic situation. In the case of Korea and Taiwan, these records were related to the negotiations on the repatriation of Class B and C war criminals. In addition, the purpose of founding of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and its activities demonstrate its tremendous utility as a facility for building a joint Korea-Japan colonial archive. Thus, the current flaws of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records should be improved on in order to build a such a joint archive in the future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.219-253
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• 2015

The Records Management System in Japan has been developed to a comprehensive and unitary records management system based on the records life-cycle principle from the enactment of 'the Public Records and Archives Management Act' in 2009 and its implementation in April, 2011. The scope of objects has also been extended to documents of independent administrative institutions and specific confidential documents on diplomacy and defense. In addition, a series of Electronic Documents Management Systems have been built for the transfer of electronic records to the National Archives of Japan, which is called the Electronic Records Archives of Japan, in connection with the records and archives management systems covering creation, management, transfer, preservation, and use of electronic records. This paper deals with the core contents and characteristics of the records management system of Japan, focusing on the operational structure of the records and archives management law and electronic documents management. Firstly, The Cabinet Office and professional groups in records and archives management started to work on reformation of the records management system from 2003 and resulted in enactment of the Public Records and Archives Management Act in 2009. In that sense, the Public Records and Archives Management Act can be evaluated as a result of constant activities of the records management community in Japan for realization of accountabilities of government agencies to the general public. Secondly, the Public Records Management Act of Japan has a coherent multi-layer structure from the law, enforcement ordinances, guidelines, and to institutional documents management regulations in the operational system. This is a systematic structure for providing practical business units of each administrative agency with detailed standards on the basis of guidelines and making them to prepare their own specific application standards related to their unique businesses. Unlike the past, the National Archives of Japan became to be able to identify specific historial documents which should be transferred to the archives by selecting important historical records as early as possible after creating and receiving them in each institution through the retention schedule. Thirdly, Japan started to operate a system in regard to electronic records transfer and preservation in 2011. In order to prepare for it, each administrative agency has used EDMS in creation and management of electronic records. A Guideline for the Standard Format and Media released by the Cabinet Office in 2010 is also for the transfer of electronic records to the Electronic Records Archives of Japan. In future, it is necessary to conduct further studies on activities of the records and archives management community in Japan, relating to long-term preservation and use of electronic records.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.52-60
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• 2011

The traditional village forests called Dangsan forest and Bibo forest in Korea represent unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years. The Natural Monument # 405 named 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' was established by the ancestors who settled in the village about six hundred years ago. The Dangsan ritual had been held in the forest and the ritual started to be held at a shrine since early 1700's. Although the place where Dangsan ritual was held has been transferred from forest to outside forest, the status of Dangsan forest was not changed. The forest has not been known as a Dangsan forest. Instead, it has been known as a Bibo forest with a name meaning roadside forest. It is our duty to hand historic monuments on in full richness of their authenticity. No new construction, demolition or modification which would alter the mass and colour must be allowed. Furthermore, every means must be taken to facilitate the preservation of the monument and to reveal it without distorting its meaning. The 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' is a deciduous forest composed of Quercus aliena, Quercus acutissima, and Sophora japonica, with a size of $920{\times}90m$ at the side of a stream. An old Sophora japonica tree known as a scholar tree indicates that this forest is related to confucianism. The name 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' does not seem to be correct. In fact, the traditional village forest in Sachon-ri was a riparian buffer. The 'Roadside forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong' need to be changed to 'Dangsan forest in Sachon-ri, Uiseong'. With a correction on name and authenticity restored, the value of cultural heritage in Sachon-ri would be recognized effectively.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.267-295
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper was to introduce the material status of women's epistolary literature published in modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese in 1920~30s and analyze gender consciousness shown in them. To this end, five kinds of representative modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese in 1920~30s were selected and 55 women's letters published in them were summarized. Through this, it was pointed out that the subjects of women's epistolary literature are mainly 'males' of families and the form of 'reply.' This implies that the authors of modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese recognized women's Chinese letters as a secondary means to prepare for inevitable communication with men rather than the leading medium of communication. The first aspect of gender consciousness shown in women's epistolary in modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese is to reaffirm the traditional gender order by calling and resetting women as the position and role in the family. The second aspect of gender consciousness is that female education materials which seemed to reflect the modern gender order are actually mentioned under the very skeptical view. The third characteristic aspect of gender consciousness is that the motif of 'discipline about economic activity' is only noticeable in women's epistolary published in modern study materials for writing letters. This setting was regarded as a means that the authors of modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese transferred the responsibilities of maintaining livelihood and managing household to women. Women's epistolary in modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese is the material which is noticeable in terms of showing the possibility of female Chinese Writing in modern times but according to the analysis of this paper, it is the text showing female form and women's writing judged within thoroughly male-centered imagination. That is, women's epistle text has a significance that allows us to read conservative reentry of modern study materials for writing letters in Chinese more clearly.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.206-219
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• 2021

The warming of the climate is increasing the damage caused by termites to wooden buildings, cultural properties and houses. A group removal system can be installed around the building to detect and remove termite damage; however, if the site is not visited regularly, every one to two months, you cannot observe whether termites have spread within, and it is difficult to take prompt effective action. In addition, since the system is installed and operated in an exposed state for a long period of time, it may be ineffective or damaged, resulting in a loss of function. Furthermore if the system is installed near a cultural site, it may affect the aesthetic environment of the site. In this study, we created a detection system that uses wood, cellulose, magnets, and magnetic sensors to determine whether termites have entered the area. The data was then transferred to a low power LoRa Network which displayed the results without the necessity of visiting the site. The wood was made in the shape of a pile, and holes were made from the top to the bottom to make it easier for termites to enter and produce a cellulose sample. The cellulose sample was made in a cylindrical shape with a magnet wrapped in cellulose and inserted into the top of a hole in the wood. Then, the upper part of the wood pile was covered with a stopper to prevent foreign matter from entering. It also served to block external factors such as light and rainfall, and to create an environment where termites could add cellulose samples. When the cellulose was added by the termites, a space was created around the magnet, causing the magnet to either fall or tilt. The magnetic sensor inside the stopper was fixed on the top of the cellulose sample and measured the change in the distance between the magnet and the sensor according to the movement of the magnet. In outdoor experiments, 11 cellulose samples were inserted into the wood detection system and the termite inflow was confirmed through the movement of the magnet without visiting the site within 5 to 17 days. When making further improvements to the function and operation of the system it in the future, it is possible to confirm that termites have invaded without visiting the site. Then it is also possible to reduce damage and fruiting due to product exposure, and which would improve the condition and appearance of cultural properties.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.100-117
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• 2020

National Treasure no. 101, the stupa of State Preceptor Jigwang from the Beopcheonsa Temple Site in Wonju has been transferred from place to place and reassembled several times since it was built. In particular, overall dismantling and repair was carried out in 1957 to restore parts damaged by bombing during the Korean War. Documented information on the repair process and materials used at that time does not exist. However, various types of metal materials used for this stupa have been identified during conservation work. Besides clamps anchor bolts, 9mm-thick circular rebars were mainly used for joining the parts of this stupa, while circular rebars and wires of various thicknesses were used for joining the parts with mortar restoration materials. Although deformed bars are typically used for stone pagodas classified as architectural structures, smooth circular rebars were used in this case. In terms of restoration using mortar, material shapes were transformed, bound alternately, and twisted irregularly to improve bonding strength and coherence in order to insert restoration materials and to bolster structural weaknesses. In addition, metallographic analysis showed the material to be hypo-eutectoid steel with low carbon content. Many non-metallic inclusions in the shape of drops of different sizes were included, which do not affect the whole elemental composition due to the very small quantities involved. Qualitative and EPMA analysis of Mn and S, which were not identified by SEM-EDS area analysis, established an even distribution of MnS in crystal grains of the microstructure, regardless of the shape of the samples. It is presumed that secondary homogenization and softening might have been conducted after manufacturing to facilitate the working process. Furthermore, in consideration of properties indicating that the thinner the steel is, the less carbon content contained and the greater the elasticity and elongation, it is judged that restoration work was ordered.