• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.30
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• pp.139-168
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• 2013

This article aims to explain the significance and value of cartoons in the 1910s which were largely passed unnoticed in the preceding cartoon studies by scrutinizing cartoons published in Maeilsinbo in the 1910s. Until now, Korean cartoons in the 1910s has been neglected just because it were published in Maeilsinbo. However, this writing analyzed cartoons in this period on the base of the fact that the cartoons in the 1910s printed in Maeilsinbo diversified the horizon of the Korean cartoon. Cartoons in Maeilsinbo functioned as a bridge connecting cartoons published in Daehanminbo in 1909 reputed as a root of Korean cartoon and 1920s, the time when satirical cartoons and comics started being printed in newspapers. The characteristics of Maeilsinbo as a bulletin of government general and periodical characteristics that the agent of popular culture begun to move reside as multi layers in the cartoons in the 1910s. In this article, the process and the development of how cartoons published in Maeilsinbo. As pleasure became important in everyday life in Korea, cartoons were able to earn a portion in the newspaper. In the beginning, modern cartoon style seemed vague, but as time goes by, its own style gradually settled. Cartoons in this period were not fixed in specific section but various kinds of cartoons were developed during the time since works of Korean as well as Japanese cartoonists and illustrators were published. Among them, representative cartoons in Maeilsinbo were analyzed in this article under three categories: first, cartoons represented 'Choseon-ness' through scenes of daily life and customs concurrently contained a view of anti-civilization/enlightenment; second, cartoons represented the accumulation of wealth as valid from the view point of public interest; last, cartoons divided Koreans who suffered from hardships of life in Kyungsung and Japanese in Jingogae in order to divide space. In conclusion, Maeilsinbo disciplined the colonized, Koreans, and exposed the discourse of the colonial power via cartoon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.32-40
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• 2017

The introduction of neo-Confucianism as the ideological foundation of Joseon, and its root Confucianism have become the origin of the life, scholarship and ideology of the Korean people. Additionally, it was considered the best to follow the teachings of the discipline's advocates including Confucius (孔子), Mencius (孟子), Zisi (子思), ZhuXi (朱子). Among these teachers, ZhuXi was the one who overtly presented the way of self-discipline, of which goal lies in attaining the character by the manifestation of vitality (氣 ki) and rationality (理 i) and contemplating on them. As he regarded natural places with mountains and waters as stages and tools for practicing toward the enlightenment, Confucian scholars in Joseon also followed his example in the spirit of honoring and studying ZhuXi (尊朱子, 學朱子), which became the basic thoughts and practical philosophy among them. Ryu, Junggyo, the neo-Confucian dogmatist, was no exception to applaud the nature, as he designated and ruled Okgye Gugok. On the basis of these backgrounds, this study aims to estimate the geographic places of Okgye Gugok, which was set by Ryu, Junggyo, a Confucian scholar in late-Joseon period, by collecting and analyzing the basic data, starting from Gareung-gun Okgye Sansugi(嘉陵郡玉溪山水記) which is the primary text authored by Seongjae Ryu, Junggyo. The literature study is followed by ten field trips to the estimated locations of Okgye Gugok, and verification of the estimations by three locals who were born and raised in Okgye Gugok. Coordinates and photographs were obtained as spatial data for each location of nine Gok(曲) estimated through this study. They will serve as a primary and critical data for story-telling and tourism resource in Okgye Gugok. The significance of this study is that it provides the primary data for designating the locations of Gok(曲) in Okgyeo Gugok.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.225-256
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• 2010

The two school $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ act as a representative of $Mah{\bar{a}}y{\bar{a}}na$ Buddhism in India. But the two school disputed with each other insisting ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}-v{\bar{a}}da$ and $vij{\tilde{n}}aptim{\bar{a}}trav{\bar{a}}da$ separately. To introduce the disputation shortly is as follow. $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ explained the world and truth by two truth theories(二諦說) which carry out truth of a word and the dimension(spiritual enlightenment) which is absolute(ultimate) to it being lokasaṁvṛtisatya(世俗諦) about the truth which can be expressed verbally, and which is phenomenon-like (everyday) at paramaarthasatya(勝義諦). By the way, lokasaṁvṛtisatya and paramaarthasatya are actually distinction of the recognition which is not an ontological distinction. That is, lokasaṁvṛti(世俗) is paramaartha(勝義) as it is the time of seeing by the eyes of those who have realized. The two truth theories of $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ was developed logical more precisely by his successors. With an everyday language, the position of Candrakīrti(月稱) that it cannot be expressed as the position of $Bh{\bar{a}}vaviveka$(淸辨) that paramaarthasatya can be expressed logically is opposed to each other, and dissociates by $Sv{\bar{a}}tantrika$(自立論證派) and $P{\bar{a}}rsagika$(歸謬論證派). Confrontation of $Sv{\bar{a}}tantrika$ and $P{\bar{a}}rsagika$ is the dispute about the ability of s which is the highest truth to be proved logically. The $P{\bar{a}}rsaga$ of Candrakirti thinks that people exist truly, and is because it claims not existing in the world where a favorite thing is actually actual. However, $Bh{\bar{a}}vaviveka$ proved Sunyata(空性)을 positively based on the reliance to language and logic. Also the mokṣa of $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ is not recovery of original condition of $vij{\tilde{n}}apti$ which is pure in itself as $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ saying, as well as obtaining a thing which is dravya-sat as $Sarv{\bar{a}}stiv{\bar{a}}din$ saying. The mokṣa of $M{\bar{a}}dhyamika$ means a condition of liberated from karma and pains through extinction of $prapa{\tilde{n}}ca$ and discrimination by realizing the real aspect of all dharma which is said by pratītyasamutpāda, $praj{\tilde{n}}apti$, niḥsvabhāva, ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nya$, $madhyam{\bar{a}}pratipad$.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.153-178
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• 2010

The aim of this research was to examine the traditional Confucian view of self-realization in East Asia and the meaning of life implied therein. The researcher closely reviewed the phase of self-realization of both Confucius and Mencius who are central in Confucianism, especially in the primordial Confucianism, and after investigating maturity of personality as well as educational characteristics thereof, the researcher tried to elicit its modern significance. In Analects, Confucius who is the founder of Confucianism mentioned about 'the pleasure of studying and practicing what he has learned'(學而時習 "Hagisiseup" in Korean), since after, his past was then just the process of self-realization that lasted throughout life. That is, the six phases of self-realization, to wit, 'bending on learning(志學, "Jihak")-'standing firm'(而立, "Irip")-'having no doubts'(不惑, "Bulhok")-'knowing the decrees of Heaven'(知天命, "Jicheonmyeong")-'ear being obedient organ for the reception of truth' (耳順, "Isun")-'able to follow what my heart desires without transgressing what is right'(從心, "Jongsim"), are lying hidden and undeveloped during lifetime, and, at the same time, these phases illustrate the state of enlightenment of life in an in-depth manner. By showing the process of living which is being sublimated in respect of quality, and by going through important process of self-innovation up to six times during lifetime, Confucius edifies us the activity of complete self-realization as well as the importance of education and learning. Meanwhile, these are connected to Mencius in a similar pattern, and strong influence of the characteristics of the learning of the mind and heart( 心學, "Simhak") based on his philosophy permeates the self-actualization phase of Mencius. Mencius' self-actualization phase is expressed in terms of six stages, viz., Person of Goodness(善人, "Seonin")-Trustworthy Person(信人, "Sinin")-Person of Beauty(美人, "Miin")-Great Person(大人, "Daein")-Sage(聖人, "Seongin")-Divine Person(神人, "Sinin"), and these six phases of self-actualization process are educational and learning model for people who dream actualization of perfect personality during their lifetime. Confucian and Mencian view of self-realization congruent with self-discipline internally, and it also reveals a stereotype of human externally. These are a process of performing organic ideals in order for cultivating oneself and regulating others(修己治人, pronounced 'sugichiin' in Korean) which has been pursued by Confucianism. Briefly, these self-realization phases are the arts of living that will lay foundation for "Being Born Human, pronounced Saramim' in Korean" and for becoming "Fully Human, 'Sarmadoem'" and finally for "Human Feelingness, 'Saramdaum'

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.423-461
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• 2013

The researcher conducted this study to investigate what special meaning does an emotion experience program, a Confucianism philosophical thinking, has for Sunwoo(善友), and based on what structure it unveils a good clue of Sunwoo(善友); and to reveal the structure of philosophical counselling treatment simultaneously. Thus, the researcher performed an "emotion experience program for 3 weeks, targeting 22 research subjects and collected the data of their experience. As for date analysis, a phenomenological analytic method of Colaizzi (1978), one of qualitative research methods was used. It was because the phenomenological analytic method of Colaizzi was suggested to derive common properties of whole research subjects rather than those of individual research subject, which could help develop the theories of philosophical counselling treatment. The finding of the analysis revealed the intrinsic structure of the phenomenon which the research subjects experienced through "an emotion experience program" was reborn as 'unfamiliarity and suspicion', 'burden', 'recognition of a method and a need', 'self-reflection', 'awareness of nature and the correct behavior', 'joy and pleasure', and 'rebirth as a valuable existence'. These were categorized to examine the structure of philosophical counselling treatment. The findings revealed the treatment went through the precesses: 'the start of learning and intentional guidance', 'reflection', 'enlightenment', 'Sugichiin(修己治人)', 'freedom', and 'transcendence. Considering the purpose of Confucian philosophy is living valuable life and the accomplishment of objectives is based on the transcendence, realizing preallotment and putting it into practice, the structure of emotion experience by the research subjects is appropriate for the purpose of Confucian philosophy and the process of objective accomplishment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.100-121
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• 2009

This study is subjected to those gardens of the Korean Folk Village 'Oeam-Ri' designed in 1920s. - transitional period of traditional gardens - and define socio-cultural change's influences and through documents on garden design, descendant's testimony and measured drawings, to understand that period's garden culture's characteristics according to garden design elements. This study applied following analysis methods and procedures to derive out characteristics of transitional garden culture. Analysis on socio-cultural characteristics in 1920s. Analysis on actual condition of transitional garden's design. In this point Outline of the Garden, Space formation, Garden designing elements are (1) water landscape, (2) plant, (3) structures, (4) paving, to derive out characteristics of the transitional garden. The results follow as below; First, during the transitional period 1920s, the economical development, fueled by opening nation's door to foreign countries and indication of collapse of statue systems together with idea of practical science and Enlightenment Thought, was element of changes in garden style. Second, Garden Designers of transitional gardens in 'Oeam-Ri' were limited to upper class of the society. They were wealthy enough to maintain their high social statue in rapidly changing society. As results, tendency of returning to nature developed gardens located in a site of scenic beauty and development of geographical features arranging techniques, and also showed copying foreign styles. Third, arrangement of garden and space composition, in most cases, composed of buildings and yards. Changes in water landscape features and garden spaces are centered to main-yard. Major changes of the garden spaces are water landscapes and plants that showing foreign influences. Fifth, scenic appearance techniques appears with dense garden space and emphasizing visual scenic view. Sixth, the characteristics of transitional garden design techniques are development of geographical feature arranging techniques, changes and mixture of the materials and garden types, emphasizing garden's decorative beauty, change of concept of yard within house into garden, changes from 'borrowing of landscapes' to 'selecting landscapes', changes of front garden from emptiness to fullness, changes of attitudes of enjoying gardens from 'staying calm in the garden' to 'moving or walking in the garden', changes to inner-oriented view, and changes from 'just watching and enjoying the nature' to 'enjoying specific objects'. This study is one of the efforts to restore the identity of Korean Traditional Garden by approaching and observing modern era which function as bridge between tradition and present day, and we observed transitional aspects of changes of traditional garden into modern garden. Hereafter, more studies will be needed to Modern Garden Design be recognized as part of Korean Garden Design History and these would be author's next assignment.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.61-92
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• 2017

During the Japanese colonial era, traditional music performances were gradually diminishing and weakening in the particular condition of colonization. Meanwhile, from the time of enlightenment, Western genre performances were becoming vitalized with the influence of Western civilization that began to be spread steadily throughout the society. In that situation, traditional music performances tended to be mixed performances accompanied by Western ones, not independent performances. Mostly, they were accompanied by Western music, and also, they were performed along with other genres like plays, lectures, movies, dances, or magic, too. Such form of mixed performances accompanied by Western genres became even more vitalized in the 1920's and came to be positioned as a form of traditional music performances. Therefore, research on the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music is meaningful in examining the forms of traditional music performances that have not been studied in the history of Korean modern music and understanding the trends of traditional music performances which were generally found in the Japanese colonial era. However, such research has hardly been conducted concretely yet. Accordingly, concerning the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music in the 1920's, this author considered the background of vitalizing mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music mainly with newspaper articles of the time and their formal characteristics. Regarding the background of vitalizing the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music, from the 1920's, the forms of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music became more vitalized than before. The causes of that may include the increase of groups hosting or sponsoring such performances from the 1920's and also the dramatic increase of such performances in general. Moreover, the increased performances were conducted in the forms of mixed performances mainly in order to satisfy the people's needs becoming diversified with the distribution of Western civilization. Concerning the formal characteristics of mixed performances between Western genres and traditional music, this researcher classified western genres performed with traditional music and examined what characteristics were found in such mixed performances of tradition music by the types of Western genres respectively. First, in the mixed performances type of western-type genre and traditional music, the number of programs for the western music had significant portion in general, and there were certain ensemble of the western music and traditional musical instrument that was rare at this period of time, and it also had the characteristics of classifying two genres to perform for each title or date. Second, in the mixed performances type of the drama and traditional music, the traditional music is directly participated in the drama with the similar type to the theater, or performed independently from the drama with the role of interlude performance for the stage conversion of the drama to have the characteristics of performing in audience publicity or entertainment. Third, in the mixed performances type of the lecture and traditional music, the traditional music is played before or after the lecture to play the role to set the atmosphere and entertainment for the lecture as displaying the feature to perform for the audience attraction. And, fourth, in the mixed performances type of the movie and traditional music, the traditional music sometimes directly participated in the movie or had the features of independent performance, and there was a characteristic to perform for the entertainment after showing a movie.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.59-66
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• 2023

This study attempts to examine the process of establishing a Japanese-style garden in the modern period through the perspectives of garden designers, spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used in their works, and to use it as data for embodying the identity of Korean garden. The results are as follows: First, by incorporating elements associated with Koreanness into the modern garden culture, there are differences in location, presence, and subjectivity when compared to Japan. This reflects Japan's relatively seamless cultural continuity compared to Korea's cultural disconnection during the modern period. Second, prior to the modern period, Japan's garden culture spread and continued to develop throughout the country without significant interruptions. However, during the modern period, the Meiji government promoted the policy of 'civilization and enlightenment (Bunmei-kaika, 文明開化)' and introduced advanced European and American civilizations, leading to the popularity of Western-style architectural techniques. Unfortunately, the rapid introduction of Western culture caused the traditional Japanese culture to be overshadowed. In 1879, British architect Josiah Condor guided Japanese architects and introduced atelier and traditional designs of Japanese gardens into the design. The garden style of Ogawa Jihei VII, a garden designer in Kyoto during the Meiji and Taisho periods, was accepted by influential political and business leaders who sought to preserve Japan's traditional culture. And a protection system of garden was established through the preparation of various laws and regulations. Third, as a comprehensive analysis of Japanese modern gardens, the examination of garden designers, Japanese components, materials, elements, and the Japanese-style showed that Yamagata Aritomo, Ogawa Jihei VII, and Mirei Shigemori were representative garden designers who preserved the Japanese-style in their gardens. They introduced features such as the creation of a Daejicheon(大池泉) garden, which involves a large pond on a spacious land, as well as the naturalistic borrowed scenery method and water flow. Key components of Japanese-style gardens include the use of turf, winding garden paths, and the variation of plant species. Fourth, an analysis of the Japanese-style elements in the target sites revealed that the use of flowing water had the highest occurrence at 47.06% among the individual elements of spatial composition. Daejicheon and naturalistic borrowed scenery were also shown. The use of turf and winding paths were at 65.88% and 78.82%, respectively. The alteration of tree species was relatively less common at 28.24% compared to the application of turf or winding paths. Fifth, it is essential to discover more gardens from the modern period and meticulously document the creators or owners of the gardens, the spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used. This information will be invaluable in uncovering the identity of our own gardens. This study was conducted based on the analysis of the process of establishing the Japanese-style during Japan's modern period, utilizing examples of garden designers and gardens. While this study has limitations, such as the absence of in-depth research and more case studies or specific techniques, it sets the stage for future exploration.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.