• Title/Summary/Keyword: The Road to Peace

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Arab Sea Trade with the Far East and the Mediterranean in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries (8-9세기 해로의 활성화와 지중해 해상교역)

  • Jeong, Moon-Soo
    • Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.345-354
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    • 2002
  • The Sea road which is connected from the Gulf of Persia to Canton was completed by Arabs in the end of the eighth century. For the first time in history, the amount of goods by the sea route exceeds land route. In contrast with the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean was a sea of peace. Its western shores were under Muslim control, thus we find in this age a great expansion of commerce on the Indian Ocean. We trace the sea route to China in use in the middle of the ninth century. Also we find out that the outstanding feature of the medieval Arab ship of Indian Ocean are two: the manner in which planks of the hull sewn together, not nailed; and the fore-and-aft set of the sails.

Opening Title Production of 'DMZ Coexistence', Global 4K Special Documentary of KTV

  • Hyunhee, Cha;Hakjae, Lee
    • International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.4
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    • pp.226-227
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    • 2022
  • The most dangerous and safest place, the busiest and most serene place, the DMZ where the wounds of the bitter war melt away, but at the same time contain life and healing. In this space of paradox, we now want to look at 'peace'. The KTV documentary 'DMZ Coexistence' is made in the form of a human road documentary that consists of various perspectives looking at the DMZ, various characters, and the most unknown Korean story materials, and the stories related to the performers in UHD 4K. In this study, we will show the process of creating an 'opening title' of 'DMZ Coexistence' captured in 4k and make it usable in academia and industry in the future.

Typology and the Features of Films about New Religious Movements (신종교영화의 유형과 특성)

  • Park, Jong-chun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.33
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    • pp.179-218
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    • 2019
  • This article examines some important issues in films about new religious movements (NRMs) that express and represent NRMs in sensationalistic ways and criticize them as immoral and antisocial cults. I presented a typology to analyze films about NRMs from the perspective of marginalized religions separated from established religions and also as alternative religions that replace the established religions. In recent times, films about NRMs have changed from being social criticisms that represents NRMs as perpetrators of brainwashing and the need for deprogramming to that of faithful participation and empathetic reflection. Films about NRMs that utilize empathetic reflection, including Wild Wild Country (2018), go beyond the normative, single-perspective formula to enable insiders to conduct self-reflection and outsiders to empathize through openness, varied perspectives with multi-faceted composition and polyphony. In contrast, films about NRMs that adopt the perspective of faithful participation, including The Road to Peace (1984), present a new visual way to unravel the voices of silenced subalterns with alternative religious visions and those who needed relief from the marginalization due to alienation or exclusion from established religions. In the Korean context, these visions are expressed as 'the great transformation into the creation of a paradise of the Later World (後天開闢)' or as 'the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence (解冤相生).'

Design of Security RoadMap for C4I System (C4I 시스템 보안 로드맵 설계)

  • Lee, Gang-Taek;Lee, Dong-Hwi;Yang, Jae-Su;J. Kim, Kui-Nam;Park, Sang-Min
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.6 no.4
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    • pp.113-120
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    • 2006
  • C4I system is the centerpiece of the military force. The system is an information based system which facilitates information grid, collection of data and dissemination of the information. The C4I system seeks to assure information dominance by linking warfighting elements in the battlespace to information network which enables sharing of battlespace information and awareness; thereby shifting concept of warfare from platform-centric paradigm to Network Centric Warfare. Although, it is evident that C4I system is a constant target from the adversaries, the issues of vulnerability via cyberspace from attack still remains. Therefore, the protection of C4I system is critical. The roadmap I have constructed in this paper will guide through the direction to protect the system during peace and war time. Moreover, it will propose vision, objectives and necessary supporting framework to secure the system from the threat. In order to fulfill these tasks, enhanced investments and plans from the Joint chief of Staff and Defense of Acquisition and Program Administration (DAPA) is critical; thereby enabling the establishment of rapid and efficient security system.

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Implications of China's Maritime Power and BRI : Future China- ROK Strategic Cooperative Partnership Relations (중국의 해양강국 및 일대일로 구상과 미래 한·중 협력 전망)

  • Yoon, Sukjoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.37
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    • pp.104-143
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    • 2015
  • China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

Defining the Role of Seosan-Daesan Port Considering New Northern Policy (신북방정책을 대비한 서산 대산항의 발전 전략)

  • Lee, Tae-Hwee;Kim, Sungkuk;Yun, Kyong Jun
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.21-36
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    • 2019
  • To ensure that Korea continues to grow, past governments have been consistent in following a policy of advancing into Russia, Mongolia, and Eurasia. The northern economy can expect to achieve synergistic growth because its economic structure complements that of Korea, which has high energy demand and industrial development. There is also an opportunity to accelerate the growth of the China-Russia-Mongolia economic corridor, which is based on Russia's Look East Policy, China's One Belt One Road, and the Mongolian Steppe Road initiative. The Korean government is pursuing a New Northern Policy to achieve the goal of economic cooperation and peace building with other nations, including North Korea; this policy succeeds the Northern Policy pursued by the previous government. As international economic cooperation requires transportation infrastructure, the demand for shipping, which offers more advantages than road and rail transportation, will increase; thus, it is necessary to prepare for it. Korea's port cities, which have a port that serves as the nodal point for maritime transportation, need to prepare for the New Northern Policy. In this paper, the long-term development of Seosan-Daesan port in the was planned and the North Korea's opening-op plan was considered in accordance with the New Northern Policy. Because international cooperation between the government and the provincial cities is required, cooperation with the Port Authority is needed, along with the proactive attitude of Seosan City, Chungcheongnam-do. The Seosan-Daesan port, which is the center of the liquid energy cargo center, can become the base of the New Northern Policy Region; further, the port can be an opportunity to establish its position as a peaceful economic hub on the west coast of Korea.

A Critical Essay on 'new cold war' Discourses: The Political Consequences of the 'cold peace' ('신냉전(new cold war)' 담론에 관한 비판적 소론: '차가운 평화(cold peace)'의 정치적 결과)

  • Jun-Kee BAEK
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.27-59
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    • 2023
  • This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

A Study on the Establishment of Distribution and Logistics System in the unified Korea (통일한국의 유통물류체계 구축 연구)

  • Park, Chang-Ho;Kang, Sang-Gon
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.15-36
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    • 2015
  • The purpose of this paper is "A Study on the Establishment of Distribution and Logistics System in the unified Korea". The main conclusion of this paper are as follows : North and South Korea shall conjunctionally foster the exchange and cooperation area and operate the joint pilot project to combine distribution and logistics system. To solve the problems of the maritime affairs, Fisheries, and international logistics, the cooperative agreement between North and South Korea will be needed to protect and develop of shipping, aviation and shipbuilding industry. Unification of two Koreas must be prepared as stage by stage ; ${\cdot}$Stage1(preparation period) : initiation of peace area. ${\cdot}$Stage2(development period) : forming the exchange and cooperation area ${\cdot}$Stage3(settlement period) : establishing peace belt on border area. After the unification, two Koreas must plan and undertake the construction of the distribution and logistics infrastructures, establishment of SCM system through Network and the connection to China through railway and road Network.

Abundance and Breeding Migration of the Asian Toad (Bufo gargarizans)

  • Sung, Ha-Cheol;Park, Oan-Hee;Kim, Su-Kyung;Park, Dae-Sik;Park, Shi-Ryong
    • Journal of Ecology and Environment
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.287-292
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    • 2007
  • We monitored a breeding population of the Asian toad (Bufo gargarizans), in the Wonheunge pond at Sannamdong, Chungju, from 5 March to 11 April, 2006 and 14 February to 31 March, 2007 to investigate their movement patterns, breeding population sizes, and physical characteristics. Terrestrial migration to the pond started on 5 March in 2006 and 14 February in 2007. We captured a total of 266 immigrating individuals (213 males, 53 females) in 2006 and 307 (222 males, 85 females) in 2007, and found 50 adults apparently killed by motor vehicles while migrating to the pond in 2007. Emigration from the pond to terrestrial sites started on 15 March 2006 and 5 March 2007. We captured a total of 245 emigrating toads (181 males, 65 females) in 2006 and 99 (92 males, 7 females) in 2007. An additional 10 emigrating adults were found dead on the road. During both the immigration and emigration periods, two peaks in capture frequency appeared for each sex in each breeding season. The immigration peaks corresponded with higher temperatures, while the emigration peaks corresponded with high humidity. Migrating Asian toads showed sexual size dimorphism and a male-biased sex ratio. Body weights and SVL (snout-vent length) of immigrating and emigrating individuals were negatively related with migration dates.

The Mutual Assistance System and Cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and China for the North Korean Nuclear Issue and Unification of the Korean Peninsula (북핵과 한반도 통일에 대한 한·미·중 3국 공조체제와 협력)

  • Kim, Joo-Sam
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.71-96
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    • 2017
  • This study speculates on responses to the nuclear threats of North Korea and mutual assistance and cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and China for the unification of the Korean Peninsula. As for the North Koreas nuclear issue and unification of the Korean Peninsula, South Korea is the subject of national division, the U.S. is a responsible country in international issues and does not have diplomatic ties with North Korea. China is a traditional socialist nation and a supporter of North Korea. As North Korea's strategic weapons including nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles are international issues, to defend against Kim Jung-Eun's unexpected acts, the three countries should actively cooperate with each other and develop countermeasures. However, with respect to the road map of the North Koreas issue, there are subtle differences between the U.S. and China in recognition of and sanctions against North Korea as a resolution of the U..N. Security Council. The U.S. has continued a deterrence policy and sanctions against North Korea based on joint threats between South Korea and the U.S. while China has showed a negative position in the process of solving the North Korean nuclear issue because of the unstable security derived from the U.S. 's intervention in the Korean peninsula. North Korea should change its diplomatic policy in a more concrete way towards world peace although it has continued trade of strategic weapons with Middle Eastern countries to maintain its political system. For example, to restart the summit talks and open multilateral security channels. Although the issue of unification of the Korean peninsula should be resolved by South and North Korea themselves, it is strange that South and North Korea depend on the logic of powerful countries for the resolution of a national problem. As for North Koreas nuclear and the Unification issues, peaceful solutions presented by South Korea seem more persuasive than the solution presented by North Korea which did not secure any international support. However, South Korea, the U.S. and China need to develop uni-directional two-tract strategies for sanctions against North Korea and talks with North Korea for peace on the Korean peninsula, and should continue to support the economic independence of North Korea.