• Journal of architectural history
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.41-58
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to investigate the symbolic meaning of pattern designs attached on the main building of Chungcheongnam-do Provincial Government (CPG). While most of researches mainly focused on the value and evaulation of the CPG building in terms of architectural history, relatively little insight has been gained on the symbolic meaning and mature of the pattern designs. What king of connections are related between the emblem of Governor-General of Chosun(Korea) and those of CPG? What symbolic meanings are engraved on the pattern designs? The researcher then took up the task of elucidating symbolic meanings of patterns and their relation to the building. The existing pattern of the outer wall of the CPG building consists of the symbol of sun(太陽輪), mums(菊花輪), and angle of stairs(雁大角). According to the Japanese Studies of emblems, these visual elements symbolize 'the sun of Japan'((日の丸) or 'the emperor', 'the royal family', and 'rays of the sun'. Based on these preliminary findings, the researcher considered the following in-depth connections: (1) relations with the emblem of Governor-General of Chosun, (2) relations with the emblems of local autonomous entity, Kyoungsung in Chosun. (3) relations with the emblem designs of the local provinces in Japan etc. In conclusion, patterns of the main building were not just an architectural decoration, but they had significant meanings utilizing design elements and methods adopted by local autonomous entities in Japan, The patterns found at the ceilling and floor of hall in the CPG building were associated with the emblem of Governor-General of Chosun. Therefore, all the patterns of the CPG building are powerful symbols that have meanings for the colonial rule by using the shape and method of city identities that Japanese local provinces had enacted. That is, it came out into the open that they were designed for special meanings that Korean and Japanese are united as a single body(內鮮一體) for a subject of the Emperor of Japan(皇國臣民).

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.9
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• pp.3-40
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• 2004

In this article, the elements usually included in the official documents issued by the Chosun Governor General office, the process of a certain document being put together and legally authorized, and its path of circulation and preservation are all examined. In order to create an official document of the Governor General office with legal authorization, a draft of a bill had to go through several discussions and a subsequent agreement before it was finally approved. Personnels involved in the discussion stage had the authority to ask for modifications and retouching of the draft, and the modifying process were all recorded in order to make clear who was responsible for a certain change or who objected to what at any given stage of the process. The approved version of an official document was called the 'Completed one(成案), and it was issued after the contents were turned into a fair copy by the office that originated the draft in the first place. With the original finalized version left in custody of that office, the fair copy was handed over to the Document department which was responsible for issuing outgoing documents. After the document was issued and the contained orders were carried out, the originally involved offices began to classify the documents according to their own standards and measures for safekeeping, but it was the Document department that was mainly responsible for document preservation. The Document department classified the documents according to related offices, nature of the documents(편찬류별), and most suitable preservation methods(보존종별). The documents were made into books, and documents to be permanently destroyed were handed over to the Account office where they would be demolished. The manners of document processing of the Chosun Governor General office was in fact a modified version of the manners of the Japanese government. Modifications were made so that the process would be more suitable to the situations and environment of the Chosun society. The office's managing process was inherited by the Chosun government after the Liberation, and cast a significant impact upon the document managing manners of the Korean authorities. The official document administration of the Chosun Governor General office marked both the beginning of the colony document administration, and also the beginning of a modernized document managing system.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.102-109
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• 2011

Under the rule of Japanese Imperialism, there were two kinds of architectural government organizations inside the Chosun(朝鮮) Governor-General which designed To(道) and Pu(府) government office buildings; one was the organization inside the central government office and the other inside the local government offices(To and Pu). By the administrative approval procedure of the Chosun Governor-General, the local architectural organization planned site and floors of the building in the schematic design stage, and in the detail design stage not only the central but sometimes the local planned the building design. The design accomplished by the local in schematic stage was believed as a kind of guideline in detail design and the local organization was able to insist their own needs to the central and to change the central's planning. Even though the central had the authority of the design, the local took part in the planning of To and Pu government office buildings at least in the schematic design stage.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.24
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• pp.335-364
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• 1996

The colony education policy of Japanese Empire was, as a su n.0, ppression on national salvation education of Korean, on the one hand it was liquidation of Korean national spirit and other hand, it has the object to Japanizing Koreans through cramming Japanese language and its culture. During the Japanse occupation of Korea, the libraries had two roles, one was to press Korean and its culture and the other was to civilize Koreans for Japanizing. The purpose of this study is to examine the role of rural-mini libraries whether the former or the latter. From 1932 to The Chosun Governor- General Department (Chosun Chongdokboo) actively spread 'The Movement of Rural Development in Korea. At the same time there were many rural -mini libraries in Korean rural and fishing community. Under the colony of Japanese Empire, colony policy was itself very tough that Japanese Empire did their utmost ideas to win Korean culture over and Japanzing Korean with every possible pressures. Since rural-mini libraries were planned by the chosun Governor-General Department, however, were established by Korean themselves with the property of local education center( Hyanggyo). Therefore, rural-mini libraries were as facilities to promote rural economic development for providing Japanese with some materials which need to conduct a war, and to introduce local people to participate in civilizing activity themselves and farmers and fishermen were forced to group to be educated in Japanese language and its reading. Rural-mini libraries were, as it were, not as facilities for enlightening Korean peoples but as facilities for civilizing Koreans.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2000

The first life tables of the Korean, the so-called Chosun Joomin Saengmyong_Pyo were constructed by Misusima, the head professor, and his faculty members of Preventive Medicine Department, Division of Medical Science, Keijo Imperial University in 1937. The above mentioned life tables were based on the age specific mortality rates by the resident registration and the data of a couple of total population censuses conducted by the Governor of Chosun Government General in 1925 and 1930. And they revealed the following facts: (1) by the first Abridged Life Tables of Korean(Chosunin), the expected life span of Korean male and female were 32 and 35 from 1925 to 1930, respectively. (2) the infant mortality rate of Korean male and female were 252- and 230-person among 1000-born respectively. In conclusion, nobody knows the level of those Life Tables, but it is important in terms of that they are the origin of Korean life tables.

• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.28
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• pp.339-363
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• 2011

This thesis examines analyzing how historic knowledge was shaped in museum. Examining by Tokyo Imperial Museum, Government General Museum of Taiwan, Yi Wang Ga Museum, Government General Museum of Chosun, and NanTong Museum of late 19th and early 20th century, tried to find out similarities and differences. These museums are similar in that they adopt museums as modern system considering models of other countries(Europe or Japan) and exhibitions played important roles in gathering relics. Experts who leaded adoption of western civilization played an important role. These experts were conservatives who valued tradition and relics while they aimed for western civilization. It originated in the character of museum system. Historical Knowledge by museums was constituted with five combinations of conceptions which are nationality, locality, coloniality, and artistry. Every museum cannot help having modernity for museum itself is modern system. Modernity was symbolized by museum building of western style in Yi Wang Ga Museum, Government General Museum of Chosun. Tokyo Imperial Museum revealed nationality in that it tried building of imperial history which includes colonies. In early time, Tokyo Imperial Museum pursued modernity and artistry, however it concentrated on artistry than modernity later. We can find locality in that Tokyo Imperial Museum tried to find meaning about Japanese art by relating with natural characteristics. It is Taiwan Governor Museum that extremely expressed coloniality and artistry was not considered. Government General Museum of Chosun could not be exceptions of features of coloniality, but it need to recognize that artistry was focused all over the exhibitions. It was NanTong Museum that most directly expressed locality. Like these, Museums of East Asia established in around 1900 made different historical knowledge by varying weigh of five factors, nationality, locality, modernity, coloniality and artistry.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.156-179
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• 2020

The Preservation Decree (1933) is the basic law relevant to the conservation of cultural property of colonial Chosun, and invoked clauses from the Old History Preservation Act (1897), the Historic Scenic Sites Natural Monument Preservation Act (1919), and the National Treasure Preservation Act (1929), which were all forms of Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law, and actually used the corresponding legal text of those laws. Thus, the fact that the Preservation Decree transplanted or imitated the Japanese Modern Cultural Heritage Law in the composition of the constitution can be proved to some extent. The main features and characteristics of the Preservation Decree are summarized below. First, in terms of preservation of cultural property, the Preservation Decree strengthened and expanded preservation beyond the existing conservation rules. In the conservation rules, the categories of cultural properties were limited to historic sites and relics, while the Preservation Decree classifies cultural properties into four categories: treasures, historic sites, scenic spots, and natural monuments. In addition, the Preservation Decree is considered to have advanced cultural property preservation law by establishing the standard for conserving cultural property, expanding the scope of cultural property, introducing explicit provisions on the restriction of ownership and the designation system for cultural property, and defining the basis for supporting the natural treasury. Second, the Preservation Decree admittedly had limitations as a colonial cultural property law. Article 1 of the Preservation Decree sets the standard of "Historic Enhancement or Example of Art" as a criteria for designating treasures. With the perspective of Japanese imperialism, this acted as a criterion for catering to cultural assets based on the governor's assimilation policy, revealing its limitations as a standard for preserving cultural assets. In addition, the Japanese imperialists asserted that the cultural property law served to reduce cultural property robbery, but the robbery and exporting of cultural assets by such means as grave robbery, trafficking, and exportation to Japan did not cease even after the Preservation Decree came into effect. This is because governors and officials who had to obey and protect the law become parties to looting and extraction of property, or the plunder and release of cultural property by the Japanese continued with their acknowledgement,. This indicates that cultural property legislation at that time did not function properly, as the governor allowed or condoned such exporting and plundering. In this way, the cultural property laws of the Japanese colonial period constituted discriminative colonial legislation which was selected and applied from the perspective of the Japanese government-general in the designation and preservation of cultural property, and the cultural property policy of Japan focused on the use of cultural assets as a means of realizing their assimilation policy. Therefore, this suggests that the cultural property legislation during the Japanese colonial period was used as a mechanism to solidify the cultural colonial rules of Chosun and to realize the assimilation policy of the Japanese government-general.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.281-318
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• 2014

This article aims to inquire into the decision making system and the sources of the original documents made by means of it in Imperial Japan, the colonial Chosun, GHQ, and the occupied Japan in terms of the post-war treatments of compensation on the Japanese colonial rules. It deals with them from 1910 to 1952 in the perspective of history and archivistics. This article attempts to establish the foundation on which the perception of the documents made in the Imperial Japan, its colony, and the occupied territory would be widened by placing the colonial rules and the compensation on them into a continuous line. The records of Japan's forced occupation of Korea during 1910-1945, and the original records documenting the decision making process of post-war compensation under GHQ, 1945-1952, have been dispersed in Korea, Japan and the United States. This dispersed preservation was mainly due to the complicated decision-making process among Governor-General of Chosun, the Japanese Imperial government, and the GHQ. It was the top-down styled, dual decision making system, in which the critical policies, personnel, and budget had been decided in Imperial homeland, while their implementations were made in the colonies. As a result, the records documenting the whole process of domination have been preserved dispersedly in Japan and its colonies. In particular, the accounts of not yet paid Korean workers that was forced to mobilize in Japan's colonial periods, which is emerging as the diplomatic conflict between Korea and Japan, had been dealt in the decrees of the Japanese government and policy-making of GHQ. It has already been changed to the problem as 'economic cooperation' from the 'debt'. Also, the critical records for post-war compensation were preserved dispersedly in the United States and Japan under the top-down decision making process of GHQ-Japan. Therefore, the dispersed records of 1910-1952 about the colonial rules by the Imperial Japan and the post-war compensation on them must be re-investigated for the adequate documentation in the context of time and space.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.165-189
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to examine process and organization of local government-managed construction by reviewing official documents and materials in regard to the official residences and castles officially constructed in Dongnae in the 19c Chosun Dynasty. Results of this study can be described as follows. 1) The construction of official residences requires exchanges of official documents among upper and lower governmental agencies concerned. Previously prepared for some 1 or 2 months, the construction was proceeded through proceeded from Paok to Gaegi, Ipju, Sangryang, Gaeok and to Iptaek. Such construction was carried out independently and concurrently Gijang and Yangsan neighboring Dongnae provided cooperation by way of supplying labor and timbers. 2) Dongnaebu castle was constructed under local autonomy system, like other government-oriented works, as governor of Dongnae became responsible for defending such establishment in 1739. The castle was built up in 1731 as an establishment with 6 gated and 15 forts. Directly controlled by governor of Dongnae, the castle continued to be partially repaired until the 19th century. Under the regime of Daewongun, the castle was enlarged and extended for military strengthening. Besides the gate having double-gated structure for the outside wall, the other five gates came to have bastions and 30 forts were additionally established, dramatically changing the structure of the castle as whole. 3) Government-managed construction was often implemented by an organization whose members included local government officials, lower administrative agencies and local influential persons. The construction of official residences was implemented by Gamyeokdogam which was headed by Jwasu of Hyangcheong. In the construction, chief of military officials became supervisor, who was responsibly supported by Saekri. The construction of castled were divided into several works, for example, establishments of fortress, tower gate and quarrying stone were implemented by the organization of Paejang, Gamkwan and Saekri. As a military official, Gamkwan supervised the construction. Saekri was in charge of related internal affairs. Paejang was an technical expert leading several workers. The construction of castles in 1870 were organized as a general rule having particularity of social conditions on Dongnae.