• 제목/요약/키워드: Studies for the Great Man

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두겹 압박방식 $3M^{TM}$ $Coban^{TM}$을 이용한 울혈성 정맥궤양의 치료: 증례보고 (Treatment of Venous Stasis Ulcer with $3M^{TM}$ $Coban^{TM}$ 2 Layer Compression System: A Case Report)

  • 추호준;손대구;김준형;한기환;김형태
    • Archives of Plastic Surgery
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    • 제38권5호
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    • pp.699-702
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    • 2011
  • Purpose: Venous stasis ulcer is the most severe form of chronic venous insufficiency and this commonly appears in the lower limb. Pharmacological therapy, reconstruction of the venous system, surgical management, cellular therapy and compression therapy are known as the treatments of venous stasis ulcer, but relapses are common, which make it a typical chronic wound. We report here on a case of recurrent venous stasis ulcer that healed with compression therapy without any other treatment. Methods: A 35-year-old man with a 13 years history of venous stasis had developed an ulcer on the distal third portion of the lower left limb which was developed 12-year before enrollment in this study. He had been treated with vacuum assist closure, 2 times of cell therapy and 3 times of skin graft for 8 years, but the lesion recurred. From November, 2008 compression therapy was done with the 3M $Coban^{TM}$ 2 Layer Compression System (3M, St. Paul, USA). The ulcer at that time was oval shaped and $3{\times}4$ cm in size. A comfort layer bandage was applied from the proximal phalanx of the great toe to the knee. A compression layer bandage was applied on the previous layer with it being overlapped one half the width of the comfort layer bandage. The dressing was changed every 4 days and the change was recorded with photography. Results: A total of 12 $Coban^{TM}$ 2 Layer Compression Systems were used. The size of the ulcer decreased to $2.5{\times}2.5$ cm in one month, to $2{\times}2$ cm in 2 months, it was $1{\times}1.8$ cm in size at 3 months and it completely healed in 4 months. Conclusion: The venous stasis ulcer was completely healed using the 3M $Coban^{TM}$ 2 Layer Compression System. This method was easy to apply, made the patient comfortable and it provided an excellent compression effect. As in the previous studies, this compression therapy has been proven to play an important role for the treatment and prevention of venous stasis ulcer.

암석 자기 변수들을 이용한 제4기 고환경 복원-Fort Riley 캔사스 (Magnetic Parameters as Indicators of Late-Quaternary Environments on Fort Riley Kansas)

  • 박경
    • 한국제4기학회지
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    • 제11권1호
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    • pp.57-68
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    • 1997
  • Climatic change of the late-Quaternary period has been record-ed in the loess deposits of the central Great plains and the record of such change is extractable using a number of approaches and parameters. The stratigraphy of loess deposits which have been investigated on Fort Riley exhibits the same sequence of loess units and intercalated buried soils as is found elsewhere in the re-gion but adds detail unique to the reservation Upland late-Qua-ternary composite stratigraphy preserved on the reservation con-sists of the basal Sangamon soil of the Last interglacial(c. 120-110ka), Gilman Canyon Formation(c. >40 -20ka), Peoria loess(c. 20 -10ka) Brady soil(c. 11 -10ka) Bignell loess(c. 9-\ulcornerka). and mod-ern surface soil. Application of magnetic analyses has provided proxy data sets that represent a time series of climatically regulated pedogenesis/weathering and botanical composition. magetic data have yielded an impression of the variation in climate from Sangamon time to the late Holocene through a reconstruction of the history of pedogenesis/weathering. Sangamon soil formation dominated the reservation durin the Last interglacial as indicated by magnetic parameters. During Gil-man Canyon time loess influx was usually sufficiently slow as to permit pedogenesis which appears to have been at a maximum twice during that time. Warm season grasses were important dur-ing soil formation but diminished in importance during the peri-ods of more rapid loess fall which were cooler and perhaps wet-ter. Peoria loess fall a function of the deterioration of climate during the last Glacial Maximum thinly blanketed the reservation with thickest accumulations occurring to the north-west(Bala Cemetery site)proximal to the source region. Long-term surface stability did not apparently occur within Peoria time but short-term stability may be indicaed by the presence of thin weathering zones(incipient soils) in the Peoria loess. Re-gional landscape stability prevailed during the environmental shift at the Pleistocene/Holocene transition resulting in forma-tion of the well expressed Brady soil. One or more weak soils developed in the Bignell loess as it ac-cumulated. A notable feature of the Bignell loess is the appear-ance of the Altithermal dry period: the loess experienced little weathering and was dominated by warm season grasses until the latter of the Holocene.

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집중력 회복이론을 통한 지역거주민들의 대학캠퍼스 이용실태 및 만족도 (A Study on the Utilization and Satisfaction of Local Residents in College Campus with the Attention Restoration Theory)

  • 이시영;박군
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제42권4호
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    • pp.37-47
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    • 2014
  • 본 연구는 외부이용자를 대상으로 근린공원과 대학캠퍼스의 이용실태와 만족도 그리고 회복환경지각척도를 이용한 조사 및 비교 분석을 통해, 대체녹지로서의 캠퍼스 녹지공간에 대한 치유적 환경으로서의 역할을 파악하고자 하였다. 본 연구를 위해 먼저 문헌연구로서, 선례연구 및 관련 연구문헌들을 조사하여 이론에 대한 적용가능성을 살펴보았다. 그리고 실증연구로서 근린공원과 대학캠퍼스 오픈스페이스 공간의 이용현황을 파악하고, 조성된 시설과 환경에 대해서 이용자들의 만족도를 분석하였다. 또한 근린공원과 캠퍼스 오픈스페이스 공간이 치유적 환경으로서의 타당성과 신뢰성을 측정하고, 이러한 특질이 이용 만족도에 미치는 영향을 파악하였다. 연구 결과, 치유환경 기여도 분석에서 모두 평균 4점 이상으로 상대적으로 높은 기여도를 나타냈다. 이는 도시민들이 스트레스가 넘쳐나는 현대에 사람과 자연의 관계를 더욱 중요하게 느낀다는 것을 실제로 증명하고 있음을 보여준다. 집중력 회복이론은 캠퍼스보다는 근린공원의 경우에서 더 높은 설명력을 보여주었다. 요인분석 결과, 회복환경지각척도 구성 요인과의 유사성은 캠퍼스에서 더 높게 나타났다. 회복환경지각척도에 따른 분석에서 경관의 치유적 특질은 대학캠퍼스 오픈스페이스 공간의 평가에 유용하게 이용될 수 있으며, 치유적 특질을 이용하면 새로운 측면에서 인공 경관을 평가 할뿐만 아니라, 경관개선 방안도 다양한 각도에서 마련될 수 있을 것으로 보인다.

인간성과 문화: 후설의 철학적 문화공동체 개념을 중심으로 (Humanity and Culture: Based on the Conception of Husserl's Philosophical Cultural Community)

  • 박인철
    • 철학연구
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    • 제113호
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    • pp.61-92
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    • 2016
  • 현대에 들어와 문화에 대한 관심이 높아지고 있지만, 문화와 인간성의관계에 대한 논의는 제대로 이루어지지 않고 있다. 문화는 인간성의 형성과 밀접한 관련이 있다는 것이 서구의 전통적인 생각이었으나, 현대의 문화상대주의적인 경향으로 인해 현대의 철학은 개개 문화가 지니는 인간성 형성 및 도덕적의미에 대해 크게 관심을 쏟지 않는다. 반면, 후설은 문화의 보편성을 주장하면서 문화보편주의적 관점에서 이른바 이상적인 도덕적 문화공동체를 추구한다. 이의 역사적, 철학적 근거가 되는 것이 고대 그리스에서 등장한 철학적 문화이다. 이 철학적 문화는 참된 인간성의 이념을 추구하면서 온 인류를 포괄하는 보편적인 도덕공동체의 정립을 지향하며 나름의 역사적인 타당성을 지닌다. 고대그리스의 철학적 문화는 인류가 나아가야 할 건전한 문화공동체의 이념을 보여주면서 문화가 도덕적 인간성의 실현에 어떤 영향을 끼치는 지 잘 보여준다는것이 후설의 생각이다. 그러나 이러한 후설의 철학적 문화에 기반한, 낙관적인도덕적 문화공동체의 이념은 하나의 이상일 뿐 현실성이 없다는 반론에 부딪힌다. 대표적으로 니버는 아무리 개인이 도덕적이라고 하더라도 공동체는 결코 도덕적일 수 없다는 주장을 편다. 니버의 주장은 일면 타당성이 있지만, 문화가지니는 도덕적, 연대적인 성격을 간과하고 있다는 점에서 한계를 보인다. 후설의 철학적 문화공동체의 이상은 따라서 이것이 문화공동체의 성격을 지니는 한여전히 현대에서도 현실적 타당성을 지닌다.

조선시대의 의생활규범에 관한 연구 -문헌을 중심으로- (A Study of the Standard of Costume life in the Chosen Dynasty Period -Focus on Literature-)

  • 현진숙;민길자
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제9권2호
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    • pp.67-74
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    • 1985
  • According to the records that all the people in our country were taught the way of braiding the hair and hatting in the first year of 'Tangun' (the founding father of the Korean nation) and that the discipline between sovereign and subject, man and woman, and the standard of food, drink and dwelling were originated from that year, it seems that all the people in our country had lived with keeping a certain standard of food, clothing and shelter, and with maintaining the order in life from ancient times. So, our country have been called 'the Eastern Land of Courtesy' and also regarded as 'the country of the true gentle-man' which was characterized as the custom of a humane, and as the country that had the immortality since a benevolent person lived to a great age. Thus, all the people in our country have lived with keeping and maintaining a certain standard of all aspects in life, and the philosophy in life that we have today was established by the influences of our characteristic thought, Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Christianity, especially the life style in the Chosun Dynasty Period have strong influence on our today life. Thus, the contents concerned with the standard of custume life among those of all life in the Chosun Dynasty Period was studied, and clothes itself is unable to give expression to its ends but when the relationship that is, the inter-harmony among clothes, the body which will be dressed in, and the inherent psyche in that body is formed, then the ends, the complete beauty will be expressed. Though there were many studies dealt with clothes itself, no one was concerned with the all kinds of standard in activities that the dresser should keep, so the purpose of this article is that as above. The literature search is used as the research method. The eight books, 'Noneo' (the Analects of Confucius), 'Yeogi' (the Book of Courtesy), 'Sohak' (the book of Precepts for child-ren), 'Yeosaseo'(the Women's Four Books), 'Sasojeol'(Korean Scholars' Minor Principles) 'Eonhaenaehoon' (Private Moral Instructions for Women), 'Woo-am seonsaeng kyenyeoseo' (Master Woo-am's Cautions for Girls) and 'Kyoobangkasa' (the Lyric Lines of the Boudoir) that had influenced the whole field of life in the Chosun Dynasty Period are analyzed, selected and finally arranged for studyilng the foundation of culture of the clothing and for helping to that culture in modern and future life. The results are as follows: 1. The standard of the clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period had deeply rooted in the teaching of confucianism, but also had been influenced by the custom which rooted in our people. 2. There is the emphasis upon the trinity among mind, clothes and activities in the clothing life. 3. The clothing and hat have to be dressed symmetrically in full of all required elements, 4. There is the harmony between the clothing with hat and environments or surroundings. 5. The true elegance in the clothing life will be realized not by the exterior outfit but by the interior outfit with the attitude of chastiny. In conclusion, as the material of clothing life in the Chosun Dynasty Period has the characteristics of the simplicity, the cleanliness, the elegance and the refinement, our clothing life is to be mastered with the simplicity, the cleanliness and the elegance in that life and with the harmony between the inside and the outside.

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고려.조선시대의 수학과 사회 (MATHEMATICS AND SOCIETY IN KORYO AND CHOSUN)

  • 정지호
    • 한국수학사학회지
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.91-105
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    • 1985
  • Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

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고려.조선시대의 수학과 사회 (Mathematics and Society in Koryo and Chosun)

  • 정지호
    • 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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    • 제24권2호
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    • pp.48-73
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    • 1986
  • Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

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대순진리회의 효 윤리에 나타난 종교성 연구 (A Study on the Religiosity of Filial Piety Ethics in Daesoonjinrihoe)

  • 차선근
    • 대순사상논총
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    • 제27집
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    • pp.171-200
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    • 2016
  • 이 글은 전통 효(Filial Piety) 윤리와 대순진리회(Daesoonjinrihoe)의 효 윤리를 비교의 지평에서 분석한 것이다. 그동안 한국의 전통 효 윤리는 현대와 맞지 않는다는 이유로 변화를 요구받아 왔고, 그 핵심은 부모와 자식 간의 관계가 수직적·일방적인 게 아닌 수평적·상호 호혜적이어야 한다는 것이었다. 하지만 이에 대한 구체적인 이념과 대안에 대한 깊이 있는 연구는 거의 없었다. 이런 측면에서 한국의 대표적인 민족종교인 대순진리회가 근대화 이후에 전통과 현대의 충돌을 경험하면서 성장해 왔다는 점을 감안하면, 그 교리체계에서 효 윤리가 어떻게 구축되어 있는지를 관찰하는 작업은 전통 효가 현대적 감각에 맞게 어떻게 윤색될 수 있는지를 살피게 하는 하나의 좋은 사례를 제공해줄 수 있으리라 본다. 이것을 요약하면, 첫째, 유교와 대순진리회는 봉친(奉親)을 효 윤리로 삼지만, 유교는 가부장적인 봉건성에 입각하여 아랫사람의 일방적·맹목적 희생을 강조하고, 대순진리회는 어느 한쪽의 일방적인 희생을 지양하며 부모와 자식 사이의 상생(mutual beneficence)을 도모하고 있다. 이러한 차이는 유교적 효가 봉건질서를 추구하는 이념 속에서, 대순진리회 효가 새로운 종교적 세계인 후천 신세계의 원리인 보은상생과 인존(Respect For Man)의 이념 속에서 구축된 결과로 나타난 것이다. 둘째, 불교와 도교의 효는 부모 생전에 수복(壽福)을 누릴 것을 기원하고 사후에는 천도를 위해 발원하는 소극적·수동적인 것이다. 대순진리회의 효 역시 그러한 관념을 일부 포함하지만, 거기에 그치지 않고 부모 스스로가 죄를 벗고 앞길을 닦아나가도록 유도하는 것까지 효의 범주를 더 넓게 잡는다. 부모와 자식의 수행을 동시에 요구하는 이런 효 윤리는, 자식이 수행 끝에 종교적 목표를 이룬 연후 받게 되는 복록을 부모도 동시에 누릴 수 있게 하고자 하는 대순진리회 세계관 때문에 성립된다. 셋째, 유교와 대순진리회는 선령향화를 효 윤리로 삼지만, 무속적 사고를 배제한 본래 유교(성리학)적 세계관 속의 효는 향화의 대상을 비인격적 존재로, 대순진리회는 인격적 존재로 상정한다. 따라서 유교에 비해 대순진리회의 선령향화는 관념에 치우치지 않는다는 점에서 보다 현실적이다. 넷째, 유교와 대순진리회는 모두 조상들의 은혜를 갚고자 하나 그 은혜의 내용과 보은에 차이가 있다. 유교에서는 조상들이 생명을 준 존재이기에 그에 대한 감사로써 향화를 올리는 것만으로 효가 성립되지만, 대순진리회에서는 조상신들이 자손의 도성덕립을 목적으로 60년 적공(積功)으로써 생명을 주면서 동시에 수도를 하도록 독려하는 존재로 설정되어 있기 때문에 향화를 올리는 것과 더불어 수도까지 해야 효가 성립된다. 다섯째, 유교에서는 세속에서의 출세를 의미하는 입신양명이 효이지만, 대순진리회에서는 그 보다는 수도를 성공시켜 종교적 목표를 달성시키는 것이 더 큰 효로 규정된다. 여섯째, 유불도는 모두 도덕에 기반한 가족윤리로 효를 규정한다. 대순진리회 역시 그러하지만, 그 외에도 효에 종교적 구원을 위한 필수 윤리라는 위상을 더 부여한다. 왜냐하면 효의 부재는 세상을 병들게 하고 멸망케 하는 직접적인 원인이면서, 동시에 60년 동안 적공(積功)을 한 조상신들과 직접적으로 생명을 준 부모들의 은혜를 저버리는 배은이 개벽시대에는 용납되지 않는다고 보기 때문이다. 이러한 사실들로부터, 대순진리회는 자신의 독특한 사상을 바탕으로 하여 유불도의 전통 효 윤리들을 일부는 수용하고 일부는 재해석과 재창조 과정을 거쳐 윤색해 두고 있음을 살필 수 있다. 즉 대순진리회의 효는 인간 존중의 이념, 구체적으로는 보은상생과 인존(Respect For Man)사상 위에서 정립된 윤리 규정이며, 인격 완성과 도통이라는 종교적 목표에 도달하기 위한 나 자신의 수행이자 복록을 더불어 누리기 위한 부모의 일정한 수행까지 요구하는 개념으로 이해되고, 개벽시대에 구원을 받기 위한 필수 윤리라는 대단히 강화된 종교적 색채를 띠고 있는 것이라고 크게 그려 볼 수 있다는 말이다.

석전(石田) 황욱(黃旭)의 서예미학(書藝美學) 고찰 (A Study on the aesthetic of Calligraphy by Seok Jeon Hwang Wook)

  • 김도영
    • 문화기술의 융합
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    • 제8권2호
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    • pp.227-234
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    • 2022
  • 호남 서부의 전통적인 문한세가(文翰世家)의 후손인 석전(石田) 황욱(黃旭)(18913~1999)은 근·현대 서화계 흐름에 합류하지 않고 평생토록 선비의 풍모를 잃지 않고 자적지적(自適之適)하면서 오로지 전통서예에 천착하면서 독창적 악필법과 서예세계로 만년에 각광을 받았던 인물이다. 6.25 전쟁 직후 두 아들의 좌익활동으로 인해 가정적으로 큰 아픔을 겪으면서 가산은 탕진되었다. 이처럼 인간사에서 가장 고통스럽고 감내하기 힘든 시기에도 필묵시금(筆墨詩琴)에 의지하며 올곧은 선비정신과 민족애를 잃지 않으며 상고정심(尙古正心)하였다. 그리고 세속적인 감관의 쾌락을 초월한 무기무욕(無己無欲)의 '참된 즐거움(大樂)'속에서 자득하고 소요유(逍遙遊)하였다. 그의 학서과정은 특별한 스승없이 왕희지·구양순·안진경·조맹부와 신위·이삼만 등의 서체를 집중 연마하였다. 특히 환갑 이후에 찾아온 수전증으로 인해 절필의 위기를 맞이하였으나 강인한 의지력을 발휘하여 그 누구도 범접치 못할 웅건강기(雄健剛氣)의 악필법을 개발하는 등 새로운 예품과 예격으로 환골탈태하였다. 1965년~1983년까지는 '우수 악필법'을, 1984년~1993년 시기는 '좌수 악필법'을 사용하였다. 1973년(76세) 첫 개인전인 회혼기념서예전을 통해 서예가로서의 명성을 널리 알리게 되었다. 그의 필법은 역대 서법과 인위적인 기교를 초탈하여 천연졸박(天然拙樸)한 본성을 발현하여 생경(生硬)하면서도 근골이 넘친다. 그리고 침저험경(沈着險勁)한 추획사(錐劃沙)와 중후웅건(重厚雄健)한 인인니(印印泥)한 개성적 필의는 기이한 신운을 자아내며 기존 서법을 뛰어 넘는 독창적인 석전체(石田體)를 이루었고, 그의 불굴의 서예정신은 한국서예사에서 독보적 존재로서 여전히 귀감으로 남는다.

일부(一部) 중학생(中學生)의 성(性)에 대한 의식행태조사(意識行態調査) (A study on the Awareness and Behavior about Sex of Middle School Students -from middle school students in Taegu area-)

  • 김상옥;남철현
    • 한국학교보건학회지
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.42-65
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    • 1992
  • A survey was made of 976 students who were selected among students of 5 middle schools at Taegu so that it could furnish basic knowledge about sex education of adolescents by analyzing students recognition of sex, acquaintance with the opposite-sex, sex-education, The survery took a month from Nov. 1, to Nov 30, 1991. The results of this study are summarized as follows. 1. The general characteristics of the surveyed students. The survey consisted of 332 boys middle school student & 325 girls middle school students, 157 male & 162 female students of coeducational middle schools. 32.9% of them were from the first grade, 33.2% from the second grade & 33.9% from the third grade. 35.7% of them believed in Buddhism, 19% Christianism and the mode of their living standard, 86.7%, fell on 34.7% of their parents engaged in commerce and they were followed by salary man and public officals, 93.1 % of the students, parents were alive. 44.9% of their fathers were graduates of high school and 42.2% of their mothers middle school. 2. Sexual maturity 89.1 % of the surveyed girls had experienced menstruation. The mode of first menstruation, 48.2%, was at the age of 13 and the mean of it was 12.9, 3.7% the surveyed boys had exprienced a wet drem before. The mode of the first wet dream, 40.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 21.3% of surveyed students had the experience of masturbation but the number of girls fell far short of that boys. The mode of the first masturbation, 37.0%, was at the age of 14 and the mean was 13.4. 3. The acquaintance and sexual relations with the opposite sex 1) Analyzing the students actual conditions with the opposite, I found out that 52.3% of them wanted to have any kind of relations with the opposite and that 30.25 had already had some kind of relations. 73.2% of the students having relations with the opposite thought the other sex merely as a friend and the number of students who were thinking that way was distributed evenly among schools. 28.8% of the students had got acquainted with the other sex through their frieds and there were not much difference between boys and girls in the method of getting acquainated with the opposite. About 35.2% of the students having relations with the opposite came from the third grade. 47.8% of them answered that the meeting place was not fixed and 26.4% answered that they were meeting their parthers outdoors. 60.7% replyed that they were not disturbed in their studies by the relations with the other sex. 2) Most of the students 79.4%, answered that they had never had sexual relations and 16.3% of the rest said that thery were expressing their feelings by grasping each other's hand. 3) 16.6% of the surveyed students asid that they had the exprience of smoking, 1.1 % of an illusion caused by inhaling chemical addhesives, 44.0% of drinking and 41.4% of warching pornographic films. 4. The knowledge and attitude about the sex 1) The distribution and analysis according to schools and grades : 64.8% of the surveyed students answered correctly to the questions about mensturation, 49.3 % did so about wet dreams, 94.3 % did so about conception, 60.6% did so about child birth, 73.9% did so about AIDS and 50.1 % did so about sexual diseases. Roughly speaking, they had not much knowledge of sexual diseases. 2) The recognition of sex according to schools and grades : 39.0% of the students said that they had worries about sex. 33.1 % of what they worried was concerned with their bodies and 26.8% was about the acqaintance and relationship with the opposite sex. The girls were much more concerned about the former and the boys the latter. 51.1 % of the students asid that they had no specific opinion of masturbation but 19.2% said that's alright if self-restrained. About the sexual intercourse before marriage, 75.7% said negatively. 5. The need for sex education most of the students, 99.4% said they needed sex education and there was not much difference in that thought among schools. And 49.7% answered that schools, families, and societies were equlally important in sex education. About half of the students, exactly 50.2%. considered it as the main reason of sex education to prevent accidents cauesd by ignorance of sex. 81.4% said that they had had some kind of sex education. Most of the educations, 87.0%, had taken place at schools but 5.2% said they were getting most of the knowledge about sex from therir friednds, juniors and seniors. 59.5% of the students who had ever had a sex education said "Just so, so" when asked of the level of their contentment but the number of students who said "satisfied" was only a few, 16.1 %. 20.7% of the survered answered that thery wanted sex education to be made in the course of home life, and 26.6 % of the students most wanted to know about the acquaintance and relationship with the oppostie sex, 29.0% preferred nurse teachers as proper councellors of sex education. The mode of their present councellors, 42.0%, was friends but only 7.6% answered they dicussed with teachers. 6. The correlation analysis between general characteristcs and sexual behaviors of the surveyed students revealed that sex had a signigicant(P<0.001) positive correlation with parents' love toward students(P<0.01), the experience of masturbation, smoking, an illusion caused by inhaling chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. And the standard of living had a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation(P<0.01) with grade point average, parents' existence(P<0.01) and parents' love, but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with sexual worries. grade point average had a significant(P<0.01)negative correlation with the experience of an illusion caused by chemical adhesives(P<0.01) and smoking. Parents' existence had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with parents' love and smoking but a significant(P<0.01) negative correlation with the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives. There was a significant(P<0.01) negative correlations between parents' love and the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives, and a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among masturbation and sexual worries, smoking, an illusion by chemical adhesives and the experience of watching pornographic films. There was a significant(P<0.001) positive correlation among acquaintance with the opposite sex, smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Sexual worries had significant(P<0.01) positive correlations with smoking, the experience of an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. smoking had a significant positive correlation with drinking the experirence of, an illusion by chemical adhesives and watching pornographic films. Finally, there was a significant(P<0.01) positive correlation between the drinking experience and the illusion experience by chemical adhesives. According to the results mentioned above, the fact is certain that there is a great need for sex education of adolescents. Therefore, it is desirable that the schools teach sexual physiology and normal positively and that sex education including hygien education be an independant course in the curriculums. Furthermore, it is essential that the schools should have enough nurse teachers to take up sex education, expand training opportunities for them and that they develop educational materials. Considering the unbalance of the level of sex educations between boys and girls, I want to suggest that all boys and girls have sex education evenly and lead happy lives by correction irrational thought about sex, that is to say, sex discrimination, Sex education programs, especially of middle school students, should be reexamined if it is to give the students effective and profitable knowledge about sex. In addition, the government should establish a policy of adolescents' sex education to have healthy opinions of sex settled nationwide.

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