• The korean journal of orthodontics
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• v.27 no.3 s.62
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• pp.373-389
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• 1997

The purpose of this stdudy was to evaluate the effect of maxillary protraction and the relapse of hard and soft tissue after maxillary protraction. For this study 29 patients who were treated with maxillary protractor and labiolingual archwire were selected. Their mean age was 9 years 4 months and mean treatment period was 8.5 months. Lateral cephalograms were taken at pretreatment, immediately after treatment and one to three months after removal of the maxillary protractor. They were traced on skeletodental and soft tissue structures based on Burstone's analysis and analyzed by Quick-Ceph Image Digitizing System(ORTHODONTIC PROCESSING). The mean and standard deviation between pretreatment and posttreatment and between posttreatment and retention period for each cephalometric variable were calculated. Student t-test was used to determine the statistical significance of the changes in each variable. Correlation coefficients between hard tissue and soft tissue were used to determine interrelationship. The results were as follows. 1. After maxillayy protraction, the maxilla and maxillary dentition moved antero-inferiorly, the mandibld and mandibular dentition moved postero-interiorly and palatal plane rotated antero-superiorly by $0.59^{\circ}$. 2. After maxillary protraction, the soft tissue of upper lip moved antero-interiorly with the movement of hard tissue but the antero-posterior position of lower lip was stable in spite of the change of hard tissue. The thickness of upper lip was decreased and that of lower lip was increased after maxillary Protraction. 3. During the retention period, the position of jaws was relatively stable but upper and lower anterior teeth and antero-superiorly rotated palatal plane relapsed to original position. 4. During the retention period, the soft tissue of lips was stable antero-posteriorly and moved mote inferiorly than posttreatment. 5. The correlation coefficients between the postion of upper and lower incisal edge and that position of lips were high, especially in horizontal change.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.19-30
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• 2020

Maker education started on the basis of the maker movement in which makers gathered in makerspace share their activities and experiences, and the educational value pursued in maker education is based on the constructivist paradigm. The purpose of this study is to present maker education components to be used in school education, focus on the characteristics and educational values of maker education, and explore ways to use them. To this end, this study explored the theoretical grounds to re-conceptualize maker education, drew statements based on in-depth interview data of teachers conducting maker education classes, and reviewed its validity through experts. Based on these statements, by deriving the components for the use of maker education, the direction of maker education in school education was set, and an example framework that could be used in subject class and creative experiential learning was proposed. Research shows that in maker education, makers cooperate to carry out activities, share ideas with others and try to improve them, and include self-direction such as learning, tinkering, design thinking, sharing and reflection. can see. In addition, maker education emphasizes experiential learning that can solve real problems that students face, rather than confining specific activities to student choices as needed. It emphasizes the learner's course of action rather than the outcome of the activity, tolerates the learner's failure, and emphasizes the role of the teacher as a facilitator to promote re-challenge. In the future, it can be used in various ways in each subject (curriculum expert, teaching/learning expert, elementary and middle school teachers, parents, local educators, etc.) and school activities, and it will contribute to setting future research directions as a basic research for school maker education.

• Journal of Korean Elementary Science Education
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.658-672
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• 2022

The unique teaching and learning difficulties of speed-related units in elementary school science are mainly due to the student's lack of mathematical thinking ability and procedural knowledge on speed measurement, and curriculums and textbooks must be constructed with these in mind. To identify the implications of composing a new science curriculum and relevant textbooks, this study reviewed the structure and contents of the speed-related units of three curriculums from the 2007 revised curriculum to the 2015 revised curriculum and the resulting textbooks and examined their relevance in light of the literature. Results showed that the current content carries the risk of making students calculate only the speed of an object through a mechanical algorithm by memorization rather than grasp the multifaceted relation between traveled distance, duration time, and speed. Findings also highlighted the need to reorganize the curriculum and textbooks to offer students the opportunity to learn the meaning of speed step-by-step by visualizing materials such as double number lines and dealing with simple numbers that are easy to calculate and understand intuitively. In addition, this paper discussed the urgency of improving inquiry performance such as process skills by observing and measuring an actual object's movement, displaying it as a graph, and interpreting it rather than conducting data interpretation through investigation. Lastly, although the current curriculum and textbooks emphasize the connection with daily life in their application aspects, they also deal with dynamics-related content somewhat differently from kinematics, which is the main learning content of the unit. Hence, it is necessary to reorganize the contents focusing on cases related to speed so that students can grasp the concept of speed and use it in their everyday lives. With regard to the new curriculum and textbooks, this study proposes that students be provided the opportunity to systematically and deeply study core topics rather than exclude content that is difficult to learn and challenging to teach so that students realize the value of science and enjoy learning it.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.33-52
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• 2022

The History and Culture Park and the Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall will be built in Songhyeon-dong, Seoul. Political games from the Joseon Dynasty to the present greatly influenced the historicity of Songhyeon-dong. However, place analysis was limited to changes in landowners and land uses rather than a historical context. Therefore, this study analyzed the context in which the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed according to the emergence of cultural hegemony using the perspective of modern cultural geography and comparative history. As a result of the analysis, cultural hegemony in historical transitions, such as Sinocentrism, maritime expansion, civil revolutions, imperialism, nationalism, popular art, and neoliberalism, was found to have created new intellectuals in Bukchon, including Songhyeon-dong, and influenced social systems and spatial policies. In this social relations, the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed as follows. First, the founding forces of Joseon created pine forests as Bibo Forests to invocate the permanence of the dynasty. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was an era of maritime expansion, and as Joseon's yeonhaeng increased, a garden for the Gyeonghwasejok, who enjoyed the culture of the Qing dynasty, was built. Although pine forests and gardens disappeared due to the development of housing complexes as the population soared during the Japanese colonial era, Cha Gyeong's landscape aesthetics, which harmonized artificial gardens and external nature, are worth reinterpreting in modern times. Second, the wave of modernization created a new school in Bukchon and a boarding house in Songhyeon-dong owned by a pro-Japanese faction. Angukdongcheon-gil, next to Songhyeon-dong, was where thinkers who promoted civil revolution and national self-determination exchanged ideas. Songhyeon-dong, the largest boarding house, served as a residence for students to participate in the March 1st Movement and was the cradle of the resulting culture of student movements. The appearance of the old road is preserved, so it is a significant part of the regeneration of walking in the historic city center, connecting Gwanghwamun-Bukchon-Insadong -Donhwamunro. Third, from the cultural rule of the Government General of Joseon to the Military Government, Songhyeon-dong acted as a passage to western culture with the Joseon Siksan Bank's cultural housing and staff accommodations at the U.S. Embassy. Ancient and contemporary art coexisted in the surrounding area, so the modern and contemporary art market was formed. The Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall is expected to form a cultural belt for citizens with the gallery, Bukchon Hanok Village, the Craft Museum, and the Modern Museum of Art. Discourses and challenges are needed to recreate the place in harmony with the forests, gardens, the street of citizens' birth, history and culture park, the art museum, and the surrounding walking network.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.