• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• 제27권5호
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• pp.1327-1336
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• 2016

우리나라에서 발생하는 아동학대의 대부분은 가정 내에서 부모에 의해 발생하며 해가 갈수록 증가하는 추세이다. 성장기에 있는 아동을 대상으로 한 학대는 아동의 발달전반에 피해를 주며, 그 영향이 장기화되어 청소년기 부적응, 성인기 범죄로까지 이어지기 쉬우므로, 사회의 각별한 주의가 요구된다. 급변하는 사회 환경 속에서 맞벌이, 한 부모 가족 등 다양한 가족형태가 등장했으며, 취약한 경제구조속에서 가장들의 고용형태의 불안정은 가족들을 더욱 불안하게 만들고 있다. 이러한 환경 속에서 힘이 없는 아동은 무방비 상태로 부모로부터 신체적, 정신적 학대를 경험할 위험에 놓인다. 어려운 사회 경제적 환경 속에서 어떤 형태의 가정에서 아동학대가 많이 발생하는지에 대하여 회귀모형을 통하여 연구하였다.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2003

The urban park provides a safe rest and leisure area, and offers the beauty of nature to counter the drearyness of urban space. It can provide benefits such as the reduction of environmental pollution, the regulation of the local climate, and it can also provide a safe area during times of disaster. However, there was no interest in urban park development and control in Korea during the economic boom of the mid 1960s. Furthermore, during the industrialization process, the population grew significantly in the cities and the cities' scales were noticeably extended; as a result of this, the living environment and the natural environment in the cities worsened. With rapid urbanization and industrialization, urban green area diminished, and it became necessary to organize the urban park system to improve quality of life. 45% of south korea's population lives in 6 cities, which is only 4% of Korea's land size. The Urban park system has to be considered in the urban planning process. Paris' urban green system can be a role-model for Korea's urban green development plan to function organically. Urban public park concepts have been used in Paris's urban planning since 1850. There were hardly any parks, gardens and squares for the public before the middle of the 19th century. For improving life-styles for the poor, Napoleon III strongly supported the development of green space systems in Paris by G.E. Haussmann. Napoleon III and Haussmann established and applied the urban green regulation within Paris urban planning. The purpose of this study is to investigate the green regulations Haussmann's Paris urban plan and urban green space system: and as a result of this, it can be an indicator for urban green space development in Korea.

• KEPCO Journal on Electric Power and Energy
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.517-523
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• 2016

'15년 12월 유엔기후변화협약 당사국총회(COP21)의 "파리 협정"을 통해 신기후체제가 출범되었다. 본 협정의 핵심은 지구 평균기온 상승을 산업화 이전 대비 $2^{\circ}C$ 목표를 넘어, $1.5^{\circ}C$로 제한하기 위한 노력에 합의 되었다는 데 있으며 이에 따라 우리나라에서도 온실가스 감출을 위한 대책 마련이 시급한 상황이다. IEA 에너지기술전망에 따르면 '12년 기준 전세계 $CO_2$ 배출량의 2/3가 에너지 분야에서 발생하여 청정에너지기술 개발이 핵심이며, 단기적으로 에너지원 대체, 에너지효율개선 기술 도입이 최선, 장기적으로는 CCS(Carbon Capture & Storage) 등의 기술도입이 필수적인 상황이다. 이와 함께 최근에는 온실가스 저감을 위한 방안으로 $CO_2$ 활용(CCU, Carbon Capture & Utilization) 기술개발도 부각 되고 있다. CCU 기술은 우리나라와 같이 포집된 $CO_2$의 저장을 위한 EOR 사업이나 대규모 저장소 확보에 어려움이 있는 상황에서 종래 CCS의 기술적 대안이 될 수 있다. 뿐만 아니라 CCU 기술은 $CO_2$ 전환 물질의 산업적 활용을 통해 종래 제기된 고비용의 $CO_2$ 저감 비용을 줄일 수 있다. 이에 국제적으로 다수의 $CO_2$ 활용기술이 상업생산을 위한 실증단계에 진입하고 있으며, 국내에서도 $CO_2$ 자원화/광물화를 포함한 다양한 $CO_2$ 활용기술의 개발 및 사업화 노력이 필요하다.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.1-28
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• 2001

Korea has been at the forefront of efforts to enhance international cooperation in transport and communications within Northeast Asia. This effort is driven not only by the benefits that could accrue to the Korean Peninsula but also to all nations in the region. Mutual cooperation within Northeast Asia would reduce transport and communications costs and provide the basis for a regional transport and logistics network. Before progress can be made towards an integrated transport and communications system in Northeast Asia, however, there is a need to evaluate its prospects, outline a visionary plan, and detail a preferred strategy. The strategy to develop the Korean Peninsula as the gateway for Northeast Asia should harmonize with the region's common transport (and communications) policy The strategy adopted by South Korea is focused primarily on the development of an improved logistics infrastructure that would be extended to North Korea upon reunification. The seaport and airport developments In Korea will have to be supported by improved access to planned high-speed railways, expressways and freight distribution centers that, in turn, are to be integrated with new telecommunications and computer technologies. The benefits from these improvements will be lost unless existing government monopolies controlling seaport, airport, rail, road and expressway developments are commercialized to ensure that the price of transport reflects its actual cost. Technical harmonization between different modes should be promoted to facilitate efficient intermodal transport between the Korean Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제46권5호
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• pp.789-804
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• 2022

Retro fashion is emerging among young people as an approach to discovering a new meaning in Korea's historical culture. Research on Korea's unique retro fashion culture is required because there is no research on retro fashion culture based on Korea's historical background. Therefore, this study examined how retro fashion culture has progressed based on Korea's historical background from a nostalgic perspective. All retro-related newspaper articles from 1950 to 2020 were collected, and content analysis was conducted for each semantic unit. The results revealed that personal nostalgia is based on personal experience and is extending to younger generations. In terms of nostalgia in interpersonal relationships, the younger generation reinterpreted the fashion culture of the older generation after the 2010s. In terms of vicarious nostalgia, a retro culture reminiscent of the 1990s with a background in economic development and consumption culture appeared after 2012. The youth culture and university culture of the 1970s and 1980s were reinterpreted as street fashion. Since the late 2010s, the younger generation has been exhibiting cultural nostalgia, believing that the historical Korean culture is not outdated but has a unique heritage formed during the modernization process. Symbolic nostalgia appeared in Korean fashion culture during modernization.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제35권2호통권121호
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• pp.71-80
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• 2007

Korea began preserving and managing natural monuments in 1933 under Japanese Colonization, but North Korea and South Korea were forced to establish separate natural monument management policies because of the division after the Korean Independence. The purpose of this study is to compare and analyze the natural monument management policies of both south and North Korea between 1933 and 2005 to introduce new policies for Korea unification. The following are the results: First, South Korea manages every type of cultural asset, including natural monuments, through the 'Cultural Heritage Protection Act,' whereas North Korea managing its cultural assets through the 'Cultural Relics Protection Act' and the 'Landmark/Natural Monument Protection Act.' Second, South Korea preserves and utilizes natural monuments for the purpose of promoting the cultural experience of Korean people and contributing to the development of world culture, whereas North Korea uses its natural monuments to promote the superiority of socialism and protect its ruling power. Third, North and South Korea have similar classification systems for animals, plants, and geology, but North Korea classifies geography as one of its natural monuments. Unlike South Korea, North Korea also designates imported animals and plants not only for the preservation and research of genetic resources, but also for their value as economic resources. Fourth, North Korea authorizes the Cabinet to designate and cancel natural monuments, whereas South Korea designates and cancels natural monuments by the Cultural Heritage Administration through the deliberation of a Cultural Heritage Committee. Both Koreas' central administrations establish policies and their local governments carry them out, while their management systems are quite different. In conclusion, it is important to establish specified laws for the conservation of natural heritages and clarified standards of designation in order to improve the preservation and management system and to sustain the diversity of natural preservation. Moreover it is also necessary to discover resources in various fields, designate protection zones, and preserve imported trees. By doing so, we shall improve South Korea's natural monument management policies and ultimately enhance national homogeneity in preparation for the reunification of the Koreas in the future.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제40권1호
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• pp.67-83
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• 2018

We have hypothesized that nuclear risk is significantly inversely related to the distance from residences to nuclear power plants and that the level of life satisfaction of residents therefore increases with the distance. We empirically explore the relationship between Ulsan citizens' life satisfaction levels and the distance between their residences and the Kori and Wolsong nuclear power plants (NPP) based on the life satisfaction approach (LSA). The dataset we used covers only Ulsan citizens from the biennial Ulsan Statistics on Citizen's Living Condition and Consciousness of 2014 and 2016. Controlling for micro-variables such as education, work satisfaction, gender, marital status, and expenditures, we found a statistically significant relationship between life satisfaction and the distance between the residences and the nuclear power plants. Nuclear negative externalities including (i) health and environmental impact, (ii) radioactive waste disposal, and (iii) the effect of severe accidents can be quantified in terms of LS units and monetary units. We were able to calculate the monetary value of NPP externalities at $277 per kilometer of distance for Kori and $280 per kilometer of distance for Wolsong at constant 2015 prices. These estimates are quite different from the traditional estimates made with the contingent valuation method, whereas they are similar to the findings of LSA studies abroad. Hence, the need to adopt the LSA in South Korea and policy implications are demonstrated.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.143-176
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• 2012

We are witnessing the growing maritime tension on the East Asian sea these days. Each naval powers in the region are competing each other to acquire more advanced naval capabilities. Based upon the rapid economic development, China is actively beefing up its naval capabilities and expand its boundary of naval activities all over the East Asian region. Chinese Navy already unveiled its expansive naval strategy replacing the traditional concept of 'Near-Sea Defense' with the new concept of 'Far-Sea Defense' strategy. In response to potential rival's naval build up, the U.S. is redeploying its naval forces focusing on the Asia-Pacific region. The U.S. enhances its joint naval exercises with the countries in the region, such as Japan, India, Australia and so on. In addition, Washington is devising new naval strategy under the concept of 'Air-Sea Battle' to deter Peking's so-called 'Anti-Access/ Area Denial(A2AD)' strategy. As a close ally of the U.S., Japan also disclosed its clear intention to strengthen the Maritime Self Defense Force(MSDF)'s capabilities by introducing the new concept of 'Dynamic Defense Force' in 2011. Under the new concept, JMSDF is pursuing the additional acquisition of submarines, quasi-aircraft carriers, Aegis-equipped destroyers, etc. Under the new president's strong leadership, Russia is also invigorating the naval build-up. Especially, Russia is fortifying the Pacific Fleet's naval assets by deploying new-type of naval ships such as the Mistral which was imported from France. In the midst of competitive naval build-up among the major naval powers in the region, we are observing the growing maritime conflicts on the East China Sea as well as South China Sea. Those naval conflicts can pose severe threats to our national interests. Maritime conflicts on the East or South China Sea can imperil our sea lanes which will be indispensible for national economic development. Neighboring countries' maritime conflicts also will cast an uncertainty on the path to mobilize international cooperation to resolve the North Korean issues. We should contribute to ease the maritime tension in the region by various ways. First, we should actively galvanize the bilateral maritime dialogue among the major naval powers in the region. Second, we also should take the lead to form a multilateral maritime cooperation mechanism in the region. Above all, we should set the aim to be a peaceful maritime power who can contribute to a building of stable maritime order in the region with a considerable naval power.