• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.144-161
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• 2016

A unanimous Award has been issued on 12 July 2016 by the Arbitral Tribunal constituted under Annex VII to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in the arbitration instituted by the Republic of the Philippines against the People's Republic of China. The current security issues in the regional sea shall be carefully reflected to anticipate whether the Award could resolve the existing political conflict or rather will grow military tension in the region. The Award clearly directs the scope of delimiting maritime jurisdiction to coastal States in the Southern China sea, so it seems to help facilitating finding resolutions of regional disputes on maritime boundaries. On the other hand, there are several limitations in reality to implementation of the decisions included in the Award. USA could use the decisions to restrict military activities and exercise of unilateral maritime jurisdiction by China in the region, while China shall encounter guilt to illegitimacy of its activities as well as shaking the legal foundation of its policy in the region. Then the resolution of this dispute through application of international law would rather cause more political confusion. The intension of bringing the case to an international court were to resolve political difficulties. If, however, the political difficulties are not properly reflected in the legal decisions, such decision would possibly raise more political risks.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.31-52
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• 2012

Although political uncertainty exists between China and Taiwan, the two countries have been expanding their economic exchange since the 1980s. That economic exchange is not limited to trade, and its investment segment is constantly expanding. The investment was one-sided by Taiwan in the past, but since a change in policy by the Taiwan government in 2009, Chinese capital is able to flow into Taiwan for direct investment. These kinds of policy changes related to investment between the two countries require follow-up actions such as profit protection for investors, elimination of investment limitations, simplification of investment procedures, and establishment of an investment dispute resolution system. The main topic of this study is the resolution mechanism for investment disputes between China and Taiwan. At present, an individual investment dispute between two countries is settled according to each country's own regulations for dispute resolution. However, these two countries have not prepared dispute resolution regulations related to cases of investment disputes between Chinese or Taiwanese investors and the Chinese or Taiwanese government, or between the Chinese government and the Taiwanese government. Moreover, they do not have any agreements related to investment disputes. Therefore, in this paper, I enumerate the regulations related to investment dispute resolution between China and Taiwan, and then I point out the problems and suggest solutions for improvement. Also, through this study, I would like to contribute to establishing and implementing an investment dispute resolution mechanism between South Korea and North Korea.

• Nuclear Engineering and Technology
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.1696-1707
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• 2019

This paper conducts a qualitative policy analysis of current challenges to safety culture and security culture in Southeast Asia and emerging best practices in Northeast Asia that are aimed at strengthening both cultures. It analyses lessons, including strengths and limitations, that can be derived from Northeast Asian states, given the long history of nuclear energy in South Korea, China and Japan. It identifies and examines best practices from Northeast Asia's Nuclear Security Centres of Excellence in terms of boosting nuclear security culture and their relevance for Southeast Asia. The paper accentuates the important role of the State in adopting policy and regulatory frameworks and in institutionalising nuclear education and training programmes to deepen the safety-security cultures. Best practices in and challenges to developing a nuclear safety culture and a security culture in East Asia are examined using three frameworks of analysis (i) a comprehensive nuclear policy framework; (ii) a proactive and independent regulatory body; and (iii) holistic nuclear education and training programmes. The paper argues that Southeast Asian states interested in harnessing nuclear energy and/or utilising radioactive sources for non-power applications must develop a comprehensive policy framework on developing safety and security cultures, a proactive regulatory body, and holistic nuclear training programmes that cover both technical and human factors. Such measures are crucial in order to mitigate human errors that may lead to radiological accidents and nuclear security crises. Key lessons from Japan, South Korea and China such as best practices and challenges can inform policy recommendations for Southeast Asia in enhancing safety-security cultures.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.105-112
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• 2018

South Korea and Vietnam have been engaged in extensive political, economic and cultural exchanges since the establishment of diplomaticties in 1992. In March 2018, Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, made an official visit to Vietnam, a key partner of the New Southern Policy and discussed comprehensive cooperation measures, including expanding trade volume and measures to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. At the defense ministers' meeting held in April 2018, the two countries signed a joint defense and defense cooperation statement, which included promotion of maritime security, defense cooperation, UN PKO activities, excavation of remains, and joint military cooperation. Currently, Vietnam is facing territorial disputes with China over the South China Sea, and is stepping up military modernization and military buildup to counter this. In particular, Vietnam is strengthening its external military cooperation beyond ideology with the U.S., Russia, India and France to strengthen its maritime power. Against this backdrop, the bilateral cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam needs to expand beyond the traditional economic and cultural exchanges to military cooperation. The study aims to review the relationship between South Korea and Vietnam on the 26th anniversary of the normalization of diplomaticties and seek ways to develop military cooperation with Vietnam, which has grown to the next China. To that end, it analyzed Vietnam's security environment and military strategy and presented strategies for promoting military cooperation focusing on defense areas.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.113-147
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• 2014

While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1145-1150
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• 2018

In order to realize the new diplomatic development for the establishment of 'Asia Fate Community', Xi Jinping has adopted a "One Road, One Belt" policy. Based on five core philosophies, One Road, One Belt with neighboring countries has been established to full-sided cooperation and mutual benefit relations. In this paper, I would like to suggest some suggestions on how to use China's One Road, One Belt policy and Korea's Eurasian Initiative in Development strategy of tourism contents. First, The bridge role of Korean companies should lead to the development of tourism contents. Second, the promotion of tourism contents development for Chinese individual tourists should lead to another tourism contents. Third, we need to find ways to win joint orders with local companies in China so that they can lead to tourism contents. Fourth, seeking active use of workers and international students living in Korea. Fifth, the development of tourism contents based on cooperative relationship with North Korea.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.97-121
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• 2017

The claim that the quality assurance measures towards teacher education institutions tend to be deviated from its original purposes has been raised among international scholars, especially in those countries where prospective teachers are oversupplied. This study aims to analyze the characteristics of evaluation systems of teacher's colleges in South Korea and China from a comparative perspective. Based on six areas such as evaluation authority, purposes, cycle, criteria, methods, result utilization, we describe current practices to draw similarities and differences of the two systems. The analyses revealed remarkable similarities despite the slight differences. First, the evaluation was deviated from the quality assurance and support of the teacher's colleges. Second, the evaluation focused on supervision of the institutions and control of quantitative aspects of teacher's colleges instead of quality assurance. Based on the findings, we suggested some policy recommendations to recover the original purposes and functions of teacher education institutional evaluations in South Korea and China.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.121-131
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• 2023

The Chinese three northeastern three provinces - Heilongjiang, Liaoning, and Jilin - hold significant geographical, geopolitical, and commercial importance due to their location allowing for cross-border trade and transportation with North Korea. These provinces are crucial for establishing a complex Eurasian logistics network in line with South Korea's new northern policy. The Chinese three northeastern three provinces, as this region is known, boasts excellent maritime transportation links between South Korea, China, and North Korea, making it an logistics hub for transporting goods to Eurasia and Europe through multimodal transport. This study highlights the importance of securing a logistics hub area by fostering cooperation and friendly relations with China's three northeastern three provinces, which are crucial to the success of the New Northern Policy. In particular, the study aims to analyze current status of trade with these region and freight volume transported by ships and recommend political advice for securing logistics hub and revitalizing maritime transport. As the policy suggestion, this study is to establish a logistics hub by implementing joint port operations, constructing port infrastructure jointly, and operating shipping companies together. Additionally, we propose ways to revitalize the maritime passenger transport business between Korea and China, which involves expanding cultural exchanges and developing content.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.89-107
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• 2008

Marine environment is subject serious destruction because of frequent accidents during exploration of marine resources and overseas transport. Also, as many industrial enterprises discharge high volume of wastes and contamination, marine pollution has become a serious threat to people (especially in China). China is quickly becoming a world economic leader of the 21st century. Rapid industrialization and social changes have raised the standard of living of millions of the Chinese, mainly in the areas of East and South East coast. The process of industrialization, however, is often followed by deterioration of the marine environment and rarely turned around until a country has increased its standard of living. Solving these array of problems will take decades and currently the government is addressing minor specific issues only. Fortunately, the Chinese government has enacted a number of marine pollution control laws. On 25 December 1999, the 13th Session of the Ninth Standing Commettee of the National People's Congress passed the amended the Marine Environment Protection Law of the People's Republic of China. This Law establishes rights and responsibilities of the relevant departments concerning marine environment management and provides for two new chapters on "Marine Environment Supervision" and "Marine Ecological Protection", along with "Supervision of Pollution Prevention for Marine Construction Projects", "Marine Ecological Protection" and "Marine Environment Pollution Prevention for Marine Construction Projects". Also, the Law was amended with provisions for integrated pollution discharge control system and oil spillage emergency response plan and enhanced legal responsibilities. Chinese government recognizes that international and national experience can be useful for China to prevent further ecological degradation of the marine environment.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.237-269
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• 2016

Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO) is the only intergovernmental space cooperation organization in Asia. Since its establishment to date, eight countries have signed the convention and become member states. South Korea participated actively in the preparatory phase of creating the organization, and one conference organized by AP-MCSTA which is the predecessor of APSCO was held in South Korea. However, after the APSCO Convention was opened for signature in 2005 to date, South Korea does not ratify the Convention and become a member. The rapid development of space commercialization and privatization, as well as the fastest growing commercial space market in Asia, provides opportunities for Asian countries to cooperate with each other in relevant space fields. And to participate in the existing cooperation framework (e.g., the APSCO) by the Asian space countries (e.g., South Korea) could be a proper choice. Even if the essential cooperation in particular space fields is challenging, joint space programs among different Asian countries for dealing with the common events can be initiated at the first steps. Since APSCO has learned the successful legal arrangements from ESA, the legal measures established by its Convention are believed to be qualified to ensure the achievement of benefits of different member states. For example, the regulation of the "fair return" principle confirms that the return of interests from the relevant programs is in proportion to the member's investment in the programs. Moreover, the distinguish of basic and optional activities intends to authorize the freedom of the members to choose programs to participate. And for the voting procedure, the acceptance of the "consensus" by the Council is in favor of protecting the member's interest when making decisions. However, political factors that are potential to block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are difficult to be ignored. A recent event is an announcement of deploying THAAD by South Korea, which causes tension between South Korea and China. The cooperation between these two states in space activities will be influenced. A long-standing barrier is that China acts as a non-member of the main international export control mechanism, i.e., the MTCR. The U.S takes this fact as the main reason to prevent South Korea to cooperate with China in developing space programs. Although the political factors that will block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are not easy to removed shortly, legal measures can be taken to reduce the political influence. More specifically, APSCO is recommended to ensure the achievement of commercial interests of different cooperation programs by regulating precisely the implementation of the "fair return" principle. Furthermore, APSCO is also suggested to contribute to managing the common regional events by sharing satellite data. And it is anticipated that these measures can effectively response the requirements of the rapid development of space commercialization and the increasing common needs of Asia, thereby to provide a platform for the further cooperation. In addition, in order to directly reduce the political influence, two legal measures are necessary to be taken: Firstly, to clarify the rights and responsibilities of the host state (i.e., China) as providing assistance, coordination and services to the management of the Organization to release the worries of the other member states that the host state will control the Organization's activities. And secondly, to illustrate that the cooperation in APSCO is for the non-military purpose (a narrow sense of "peaceful purpose") to reduce the political concerns. Regional cooperation in Asia regarding space affairs is considered to be a general trend in the future, so if the participation of South Korea in APSCO can be finally proved to be feasible, there will be an opportunity to discuss the creation of a comprehensive institutionalized framework for space cooperation in Asia.