• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.67-106
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• 2017

This study focuses on two specific history of Korean literature in Chinese: the outline of The History of Joseon Literature (2010) by Li Yan and The History of Joseon Literature (1988, 2008) by Wei Xu-sheng; it was conducted to compare narrative viewpoints to the history of South and North Korean literature and therefore identify distinguishable characteristics. As a result, the following was concluded. First, The History of Korean Literature by Cho Dong-il and The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes) include thorough discussions on division of historical eras, concept of genres as well as individual literary works and applied such discussions on writing literary history. However, Wei Xu-sheng and Li Yan's The History of Korean Literature did not illuminate theoretical discussion of South and North Korea. Li Yan's outline of The History of Joseon Literature was published in 2010 and the first edition of Wei Xu-sheng's The History of Joseon Literature was published in 1986 and later was published as revised editions in 2000 and 2008. Regarding published dates, it is a matter of course to reference Cho Dong-il's The History of Korean Literature, published in the 1980s, or The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes), published in the 1990s; nevertheless, neither Wei Xu-sheng nor Li Yan used those texts in their works. Their works were heavily influenced by the narrative tradition of the history of national literature and therefore, entailed unsophisticated discussion on the division of historical eras or the concept of genres. Second, those two texts also emphasized external factors such as politics, society, economy and culture and explicitly mention these factors in historical overview of each chapter. Such an approach is commonly used in narratives of literary history under socialist regimes, including The History of Korean Literature in North Korea (15 volumes). Accordingly, evaluations based on 'political standards' - stress of people, nationality, practicality and so forth - in main texts are particularly accentuated, akin to narratives of literary history under socialist regimes. Finally, since those two Korean literature history works are written by Chinese scholars, they focus on correlation between Chinese literature history and Korean literature history. However, several genre-related terminologies such as Xiaopin (a kind of essay), Yuefu (a kind of popular song/poem), Yuyan (fable), Shuochang (telling of popular stories with the interspersal songs), Shizhuan (biography or/and memoirs in history) were adopted directly from Chinese literature. In analyzing Korean literature using terminologies introduced from Chinese literature, differences between original and alternative definitions were not examined in detail. While some terminologies and concepts were adopted directly without further consideration as to state of the two nations, it is also interesting to note that dichotomy, mainly used in Korean literature history, was used to discuss the genre of Cheonki (romance tale), relevant to Suyichon and Keumosinhua, rather than follow traditions of Chinese literature history.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.3-27
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• 2018

This paper analyzes Cuba's market-oriented reforms to alleviate essential problems with socialist countries such as soft budget constraints and incentive problems. It also discuss about effectiveness of industrial policy as a development strategy. The soft budget constraints and incentive problems resulted in the collapse of Soviet bloc and COMECON in early 1990s. After the collapse, Cuban economy suffered a steep dive, and national income tumbling down rapidly. Cuban faced serious shortages of food, gasoline, and other basic necessities of life. To halt and partially reverse economic downturn and dire austerity in the 1990's, the Cuban government made some partial reforms to the inherited Soviet system of cental planningand faced severe shortage in food, energy, and daily necessities. In response to the economic crisis. Cuba introduced economic reforms and implemented industrial policy as a development strategy as long as Cuba maintained a strong socialist country. Cuban government established the economic free zone law and attempted to induce foreign direct investment by implementing export-led industrial policy. Fiedel Castro approved the Law No. 165 "Free Zones and Industrial Parks", in 1996. However, Cuba's ESZ strategy seems to have failed because of the U.S. sanctions, but also because of Cuba's own policies, which do not allow foreign investors to hire workers directly and impose a high implicit tax on wages. By limiting advanced techniques of personnel and organization management, indirect employment can result in lowering work efforts and productivity of workers, and aggravating production efficiency in the ESZs. Another reason to fail comes from the double wage structure due to the double monetary-exchange rate system. Most of the high non-wage costs result from the double exchange rate system. Due to Cuba's imbalanced industry and production structures, concentrated labor force, and urbanization and centralization of agriculture production, the industrial transformation development model suggested by Lewis has not been successful unlike other Asian agriculture-led development model. Cuba has to overcome many difficulties in implementing industrial policy as a development strategy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.461-475
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• 2007

To understand the changing regionality of the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture(YKAP) in China within the world-economy, this paper examined the spatial division of labor in agriculture and industry with three divisions of period through the regional geography of world-system In the Japanese colonial period(l909$\sim$1949), the YKAP was made into a typical peripheral agricultural and industrial region which was exploited by the Japanese empire. In the socialist period(1949$\sim$1978) which China separated from the world-system, the YKAP was transformed into a socialistic agricultural and industrial region. In the reform and open-door period(1978$\sim$present), the YKAP still plays a role as a peripheral region due to the late open-door policy in 1992 of Chinese government on the border land and else, while most littoral areas of China are developed into a semi-peripheral region. Therefore if the YKAP continues to exist in the future, it is a critical matter to raise the position of the YKAP within the world-economy into a semi-periphery as soon as possible to increase the ratio of Korean ethnic in the YKAP.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.32-39
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• 2012

Objective : Psychiatry in North Korea is believed to seem very different from psychiatry in South Korea. However, there is nearly no information regarding psychiatry in North Korea until now. Our study aimed to get information about North Korean psychiatry. Methods : Three North Korean defectors in South Korea, whose clinical experience as medical doctors in North Korea was over 10 years, were recruited. They underwent the semi-structured interview, content of which included the clinical experience with psychiatric patients, the details of psychiatry, the treatment of psychiatric patients, the stigma of mental illness, and the suicide, in North Korea. Results : In North Korea, psychiatric department was called as 49th(pronounced as Sahsip-gu-ho in Korean). Only patients with vivid psychotic symptoms came to psychiatric department. Non-psychotic depression or anxiety disorders usually were not dealt in psychiatry. The etiology of mental illness seemed to be confined to biological factors including genetic predisposition. Psychosocial or psychodynamic factors as etiology of mental illness appeared to be ignored. Psychiatry was apparently separated from political or ideological issues. The mainstay of psychiatric treatment is the inpatient admission and out-of-date therapy such as insulin coma therapy. Stigma over mental illness was common in North Korea. Suicide is considered as a betrayal to his/her nation, and has been reported to be very rare. Conclusion : The situation of psychiatry in North Korea is largely different from that of South Korea. Although some aspects of North Korean psychiatry are similar to psychiatry in former socialist countries, North Korean psychiatry is considered to have also its unique characteristics.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.657-670
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• 2011

China has gone through rapid economic growth due to transitional economies since 1978. In particular, Chinese transitional economies has led to fundamental changes in firms' activities under the socialist system. Nevertheless, Chinese firms have formed new industrial production organizations and spatial orders by sustaining personal networks based on existing traditional firm practice, which is called 'guanxi'. Therefore, the main purpose of this research is to identify the influence of personal networks, guanxi, on the business activities of Chinese firms by investigating the formation of guanxi mechanism. The main characteristics of guanxi represented in inter-firm relations are as follows. First, guanxi has played a role in facilitating inter-firm relations and business activities, because it has an inter-debt relations based on inter-reciprocal relations between firms. Second, Chinese firms has depended on posteriori guanxi rather than inherent guanxi by the internalization of personal networks through 'guanxi communicators'.Third, guanxi between firms and local government in extra-firm relations has been established to minimize risks from unstable legal regulations.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.75-87
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• 2014

It may be meaningful that analysis of possible continuity and change of North Korea's Kim Jong-un's ruling in its third year. For this analysis, for the application more rational and statistical analysis methods, this study takes advantage of the new years' messages of Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un. In North Korea, the new years' messages are rare enough to give influence to every field of the North Korea's community and the New Year's message performs tutorial role throughout the whole year. The said messages of Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un regimes have been researched and comprehensively summarized. The summarized New Year's Message by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un are separated, compared and analyzed by the regime by presentation method, configured information, and others followed by New Year message's characteristics and implications of each North Korean regime that have been investigated. Based on the results of this analysis of Kim Jong-un era, possibility of its continuation and change is forecasted. Above all, for possible continuation of the ruling, sticking to the governing socialist way and military-first politics are presented. For possible causes of change, such the four factors as partial opening to overcome economic problems, the North Korean nuclear issue, influx of the nature of capitalism, and Kim Jung-un's control weakness have been presented. Such the factors of possible change and continuation of the North Korea Kim Jung-un ruling are expected to work as a combination of factors. The issue of continuation and change of North Korea Kim Jong-un's control is a key point for us to solve the issues between North and South Koreas. In the situation that the whole people of South Korea have a national consensus in the effort of gathering the public opinion, it is a high time that we needed to have much flexibility to actively cope with the North Korean issues.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.55
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• pp.155-179
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• 2003

This paper compares two indicators, economic development and social condition, to find a better way to measure the level of social welfare development. The results show that social condition is more adequate indicator than economic development. The social condition has high correlation with the development of social welfare in all the 78 countries as well as in five groups of countries when the economic development is controlled. The comparison of two indicators reveals important findings. Among other things, the higher the level of social condition compared with economic development, the larger the social welfare expenditure. This tendency is particularly strong among the western European countries and former socialist countries. This result implies that the macro-level policy of social redistribution is also important for the development of social welfare in addition to micro-level policy of income redistribution. As we expected, the results show that the level of Korean social welfare development is very low. Considering our levels of economic development and social condition, predicted social welfare expenditure from regression model is at least 17% of GDP, but we are spending only 30% of this predicted expenditure. Another serious problem in Korean social welfare is unbalanced expenditure between social insurance and public assistance. On the basis of these results, this paper suggests three implications for social policy to improve Korean social welfare: First of all, the gap between predicted and actual expenditures should be closed to improve the minimum level of social welfare. Secondly, the level of social condition itself should be improved to increase the public awareness of social welfare. Finally, the wide difference in expenditure between universal and selective social welfare programs should also be removed to decrease the relative deprivation of the poor.