• Title/Summary/Keyword: Social Security Policies

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Cost-benefit Analysis of Installing Crime Preventive CCTV: Focused on Theft and Assault (범죄예방용 CCTV설치의 비용편익분석: 절도와 폭력범죄를 중심으로)

  • Yun, Woo-Suk;Lee, Chang-Hun;Shim, Hee-Sub
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.50
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    • pp.209-237
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    • 2017
  • Theories on 'opportunity for crime' have utilized CCTV in crime prevention approach, and empirical studies showing crime prevention effects of CCTV have supported expansion of CCTV installation. Particularly, in Korea, the number of CCTV installation had tripled from 2011 to 2015, and governmental policies regarding CCTV have become one of the mainstream social control strategies. Although a couple of empirical studies showed decrease in crime rate due to CCTV installation, there is no study investigating B/C analysis(Benefit vs. cost analysis) of CCTV installation. B/C analysis results will be beneficial for official decision-making of criminal justice policy, and this study is purported to produce such fundamental evidence for policy making procedure. To fulfill this goal, this study collected data on financial information, crime data between 2011 and 2015 across the nation from 232 governmental district offices and the Korean National Police. This study then conducted two different B/C analyses(simple B/C analysis, regression-based B/C analysis). The simple B/C analysis results showed that 1) total costs for CCTV installation in 2014 was 68,626,000,000 won(approximately, US$57,188,333.00, money exchange rate 1200won=US$1), 2) benefits of crime reduction was 90,888,000,000 won(appx. US$75,740,000), and 3) B/C rate was 1.32. The regression-based B/C analysis results showed that 1) B/C rate was 1.52 when only reduced costs of criminal justice processes for crime employed, and 2) B/C rate was 3.62 when overall social costs including reduced costs of criminal justice processes and social benefits, e.g., reduction in costs for managing fear of crime, due to the crime reduction. Based on the results, this study provided policy implications.

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An Analysis of the Managerial Level's Gender Gap and "Glass Ceiling" of the Corporation (기업 관리직의 젠더 격차와 "유리천장" 분석)

  • Cho, Heawon;Hahm, Inhee
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.49-81
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    • 2016
  • This study agrees with the idea that a situation centered perspective provides a useful contribution in understanding women's attitude on organizations. Women's occupational experiences are less related to their "femaleness" than to the structural constraints inherent in the occupational positions women fill. So characteristics of the organizational situation including gender composition and hierarchical status may "shape and define" women's experience on the job. The present study examined the managerial level's gender gap and "glass ceiling" of the corporation. According to Kanter, if the ratio of women to men in organizations begins to shift, as affirmative action and new hiring and promotion policies promised, forms of relationships and corporate culture should also change. However, the mere presence of women on workplace may not, in itself, result in women-friendly work condition. This study analyzes "Korean Women Manger Panel survey(2010 3rd. wave)" to examine how much gender gap of the managerial level persists and when the glass ceiling effect emerges. Using t-test and ANOVA, various aspects of the gender gap within managerial level were verified. The most significant finding is the glass ceiling effect starts from very low level of management. Policy implications from the statistical analysis of the Panel survey are: 1) We need to increase the absolute number of the women managers for securing middle level women leadership pipe line. 2) We need to confront the fact that the glass ceiling starts from the very low managerial level, and to explore more realistic way to break up the vicious circle for the tokenism. and 3) We need to looking beyond numbers in approaching women's matter at work. At the cultural and institutional level, work-family programs and policies, women's ratings of their competence, and family-friendly organization's climate should be considered.

Economic Inequality in Perceived Oral Health Behavior among Adults in Korea (한국 성인의 경제적 불평등에 따른 구강건강행태)

  • Kim, Mi-Jeong;Lim, Cha-Young
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.439-445
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    • 2018
  • This study was conducted to investigate the status of oral health behavior according to economic inequality in Korea. Raw data for the 3rd year (2015) of the 6th national health and nutrition survey were analyzed. Among surveyed individuals, adults over the age of 19 were designated as research subjects. The results indicated that a smaller 'house income' was associated with a higher supply and demand experience for basic living and a higher DMFT. Additionally, a higher DMFT was associated with a lower 'house income', lower 'education level', and the 'experience of basic living security received'. Oral health behavior inequality was caused by economic inequality. Overall, these results indicate that it is necessary for the oral health service of vulnerable groups to strengthen preventive activities through comprehensive arbitration policies regarding the social decision factors of public health projects.

Development of Charging Algorithm for the Low Cost EV Charger (저가형 전기자동차 충전기를 위한 충전 알고리즘 개발)

  • Park, Dae-Su;Kim, Tae-Kyung;Oh, Sung-Chul
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.17 no.2
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    • pp.590-595
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    • 2016
  • The US is pursuing a plan to raise the subsidies for electric vehicles by more than 30%. The number of electric vehicles in Europe is expected to be one million by 2020 and 2030 and there are plans to expand in the center of Germany to supply six million electric vehicles on the dissemination and development policies. The development of the electric vehicle is not simply a technical trend but there is the potential to improve the access to this technology and the possibility of changing the entire social system and long-term energy security. Domestic competition is also increasing the supply of electric vehicles, as new blue ocean markets are emerging. The current domestic On-board Charger (Home Charger) plans to be suspended from the 2015 government-sponsored installation, This paper on the IEC 61851-1 and IEC 61851-22 specifications analyzes the development of a midnight electricity charger as a low-cost algorithm, the decrease in price and the improved convenience of the On-board Charger for Bluetooth module with the ATmega128 existing charger system, and the UI configuration via the LCD Panel to a Smartphone app are proposed.

The Impacts of Education and Non-Labor Income on Employment Among the Elderly: An Estimation with a Panel Logit Model to Address the Problem of Endogenous Predictors (교육수준과 비근로소득이 고령자 취업에 미치는 영향: 내생성을 고려한 패널로짓 모형 추정)

  • Kim, Cheoljoo
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.95-123
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    • 2016
  • As Korean society grows rapidly older, a systematic analysis of the determinants of labor supply behavior among the elderly becomes a prerequisite for designing more effective senior employment policies and income security regime for the elderly. Literatures review shows that a majority of previous researches have been ignoring the problem of "endogenous predictor" especially when it comes to the estimation of the effects of the two key variables, education and non-labor income, on labor supply decisions among older people. They have failed to take into consideration the unobserved heterogeneities which might affect both labor supply decisions of the elderly and their levels of education and non-labor income, which means, according to some econometric literatures, that the estimated coefficients of the two predictors can be inconsistent. The paper tries to redress the endogeneity problem by employing a panel logit model with data from the 1st. to 4th. wave of the KLoSA(Korean Longitudinal Survey of Ageing) to estimate the effects of key predictors on the probability of getting jobs among older people(ages of 60 or older). Both a random effects and a fixed effects model reaffirms that non-labor income has a negative effect on the chances of being employed. And a random effects model shows that the effect of education is also negative, as has frequently been reported by previous studies. That means the effects of education and non-labor income on elderly employment remain negative after the effect of unobserved heterogeneities is controled for and the problem of endogenous predictors is redressed through an appropriate panel data analysis. These findings mean, in turn, that when Korean baby-boomers, who had acquired an unprecedentedly higher level of education and were expected to enjoy ever-larger amount of non-labor income than their preceding generations, retires in near future, their incentives to work will become much weaker and the lack of labor-force and the burden of financing increased public pension expenditure will become more troublesome. The paper concludes with recommending some policy initiatives helpful to solve these expected problems.

Evaluating the Strategic Reaction of Labor Union Movement toward Labor Reforms: The Two National Centers' Reaction toward Park, Guen-Hye Government's Labor Market Restructuring (노동개혁국면에 있어 노조운동의 대응전략에 관한 평가: 박근혜정부의 노동시장 구조개혁에 대한 양노총의 대응을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Byoung-Hoon
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.1-23
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    • 2016
  • This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

Legal Issues on the Collection and Utilization of Infectious Disease Data in the Infectious Disease Crisis (감염병 위기 상황에서 감염병 데이터의 수집 및 활용에 관한 법적 쟁점 -미국 감염병 데이터 수집 및 활용 절차를 참조 사례로 하여-)

  • Kim, Jae Sun
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.23 no.4
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    • pp.29-74
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    • 2022
  • As social disasters occur under the Disaster Management Act, which can damage the people's "life, body, and property" due to the rapid spread and spread of unexpected COVID-19 infectious diseases in 2020, information collected through inspection and reporting of infectious disease pathogens (Article 11), epidemiological investigation (Article 18), epidemiological investigation for vaccination (Article 29), artificial technology, and prevention policy Decision), (3) It was used as an important basis for decision-making in the context of an infectious disease crisis, such as promoting vaccination and understanding the current status of damage. In addition, medical policy decisions using infectious disease data contribute to quarantine policy decisions, information provision, drug development, and research technology development, and interest in the legal scope and limitations of using infectious disease data has increased worldwide. The use of infectious disease data can be classified for the purpose of spreading and blocking infectious diseases, prevention, management, and treatment of infectious diseases, and the use of information will be more widely made in the context of an infectious disease crisis. In particular, as the serious stage of the Disaster Management Act continues, the processing of personal identification information and sensitive information becomes an important issue. Information on "medical records, vaccination drugs, vaccination, underlying diseases, health rankings, long-term care recognition grades, pregnancy, etc." needs to be interpreted. In the case of "prevention, management, and treatment of infectious diseases", it is difficult to clearly define the concept of medical practicesThe types of actions are judged based on "legislative purposes, academic principles, expertise, and social norms," but the balance of legal interests should be based on the need for data use in quarantine policies and urgent judgment in public health crises. Specifically, the speed and degree of transmission of infectious diseases in a crisis, whether the purpose can be achieved without processing sensitive information, whether it unfairly violates the interests of third parties or information subjects, and the effectiveness of introducing quarantine policies through processing sensitive information can be used as major evaluation factors. On the other hand, the collection, provision, and use of infectious disease data for research purposes will be used through pseudonym processing under the Personal Information Protection Act, consent under the Bioethics Act and deliberation by the Institutional Bioethics Committee, and data provision deliberation committee. Therefore, the use of research purposes is recognized as long as procedural validity is secured as it is reviewed by the pseudonym processing and data review committee, the consent of the information subject, and the institutional bioethics review committee. However, the burden on research managers should be reduced by clarifying the pseudonymization or anonymization procedures, the introduction or consent procedures of the comprehensive consent system and the opt-out system should be clearly prepared, and the procedure for re-identifying or securing security that may arise from technological development should be clearly defined.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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A Research on the Regulations and Perception of Interactive Game in Data Broadcasting: Special Emphasis on the TV-Betting Game (데이터방송 인터랙티브 게임 규제 및 이용자 인식에 관한 연구: 승부게임을 중심으로)

  • Byun, Dong-Hyun;Jung, Moon-Ryul;Bae, Hong-Seob
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.35
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    • pp.250-291
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    • 2006
  • This study examines the regulatory issues and introduction problems of TV-betting data broadcasts in Korea by in-depth interview with a panel group. TV-betting data broadcast services of card games and horse racing games are widely in use in Europe and other parts of the world. In order to carry out the study, a demo program of TV-betting data broadcast in the OCAP(OpenCableTM Application Platform Specification) system environment, which is the data broadcasting standard for digital cable broadcasts in Korea was exposed to the panel group and then they were interviewed after watching and using the program. The results could be summarized as below. First of all, while TV-betting data broadcasts have many elements of entertainment, the respondents thought that it would be difficult to introduce TV-betting in data broadcasts as in overseas countries largely due to social factors. In addition, in order to introduce TV-betting data broadcasts, they suggested that excessive speculativeness must be suppressed through a series of regulatory system devices, such as by guaranteeing credibility of the media based on safe security systems for transactions, scheduling programs with effective time constraints to prevent the games from running too frequently, limiting the betting values, and by prohibiting access to games through set-top boxes of other data broadcast subscribers. The general consensus was that TV-betting could be considered for gradual introduction within the governmental laws and regulations that would minimize its ill effects. Therefore, the government should formulate long-term regulations and policies for data broadcasts. Once the groundwork is laid for safe introduction of TV-betting on data broadcasts within the boundary of laws and regulations, interactive TV games are expected to be introduced in Korea not only for added functionality of entertainment but also for far-ranging development of data broadcast and new media industries.

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Vietnam in 2016: The Situations and Prospects of Politics, Economy, and International Relations (베트남 2016: 정치, 경제, 대외관계의 현황과 전망)

  • LEE, Han Woo;CHAE, Su Hong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.163-191
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    • 2017
  • This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.