• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

This study aims at explaining organizational mechanisms of inequality that has been rising rapidly alongside the proliferation of irregular employment in the post-crisis Korean labor market. It argues that inequality is not sufficiently explained by individual gap in human capital or widespread marketization as such. Social categories into which each individual worker falls seems more important as a source of labor market inequality. Employment types that are composed of regular and irregular employment do not simply indicate the different economic meanings of employment contracts but have rather been institutionalized as a social category of status in the context of inequality over the past two decades. They are also often matched with other social categories such as gender that have created and reproduced greater labor market inequality. We pay attention to the organizational practice of dominant incumbents who make claims for advantages of return based on their exclusive accessibility to limited organizational resources and explain how that particular practice plays a role to increase relational inequality between those insiders who achieve advantageous returns and outsiders mostly irregular workers who are excluded from those resources because of the social categories that they belong to. In this study, we identify seniority based pay as the key organizational practice that justifies categorical differences within the workplace and examine how that particular practice contributes to organizational level segmentation and income ineqaulity.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.351-389
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• 2021

This qualitative study aimed to develop a structural framework that explains the process of psychological adaptation and sequential changes being perceived by Korean people under the COVID-19 Pandemic past year. Setting a tentative analysis frame induced from antecedent literatures about psychological phenomena during the COVID-19 pandemic, the qualitative data were collected from 6 Korean adults by semi structured individual interviews. For the data, content analysis applied from the grounded theory were performed. As a result, the initial framework was extended and revised to describe the psychological phenomena under the pandemic. This paradigm structure includes the process of 'causal factors ⇒ psychological main phenomena ⇒ sequential results' being intervened by personal contextual situations and psychological characteristics, as moderators. The category of causal factors were the COVID-19 pandemic, relevant critical incidents, and social distancing policy. The main phenomena reflected either positive, negative, or complicated experiences. The sequential psychological results included transformation of cognitive system or behavior patterns. Various variables such as psychological sense of community and social responsibility, psychological capability for leisure, and positive psychological capital were found out as moderating factors. In discussion and conclusion, theoretical/practical implications of the results and direction to study in the future were suggested.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.115-135
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• 2015

In the glocalization a common phenomenon of several nations reveals knowledge innovation and growth by the important subject of region and state and is studied at theory and practice. the successful cases of regional development in an advanced country have leading innovation through regional innovation system and cluster. therefore we are necessary to analyse how the knowledge spillovers in innovative cluster as the reduced model of regional innovation system guide firm innovation and region growth. this article reviews theories and empirical studies of the knowledge spillovers in the regional innovation system and innovative cluster of innovative geography and proposes a new research issues for further explorations of the knowledge spillovers. Previous studies assist that knowledge spillovers exist in knowledge-based industries of specific local area and local innovation accomplishes through pure knowledge spillover. but limits of these studies include narrow region and technological area, few analytical variable and exclusion of rent knowledge spillover. therefore new research topics related with that exemplifies geographical dimension(concentration and decentralization), technological dimension(knowledge based industry), category of analytic variables(previous indicators, time, and social capital), conceptualization(appropriation means, markets for technology) etc.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.