• Korean Security Journal
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• no.36
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• pp.417-442
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• 2013

This study considers the characteristics of the separation of public and private security service during Koryo dynasty, and compares it with the modern security service. Modern day security service's definition of private and public security service was used to distinguish them. Given the different historical settings, it's difficult to argue that the distinction between public and private service during Koryo dynasty was clear, but it can be said that public security service was centered around palace guard and concerns the activities of protest, and military made for the relationship, and private security service was centered around power of DoBang and includes the activities of malingering, and Byolchogun. During the early days of Koryo, protest, district military and soldiers who stay in the palace were all parts of a palace revolt and this institutional improvement of soldiers who stay in the palace was accomplished during King Seongjong's rule. The tradition of a palace revolt can find its roots in the middle military, and after the unification, a palace revolt was reformed into the king's palace revolt of second and the 6th along the course of establishing the nation's system. All of the changes stem from the reformation for consolidating the royal authority. Gyung Dae Seoung wanted to protect himself and he slept with his army night and days and because of that, group of soldiers was created and it was called DOBANG. Some members were from dobang gyeonryong, The forced were powerful because it was gathered with a warriors with extraordinaire martial arts and competent management. Most of the soldiers followed gyeong dae seung because they believed that he has a strong leadership and loves his people, and had a strong faith in him. However, the general gyeong jang had a belief that politics must be reverted to the previous so the relationships between jungbang wasn't smooth. Because of the economic operational problems, due to fraud committed by the mens under his command failed to maintain integrity and was criticised.The misconception also fed up with the emperor and the deepening relationships between the soldiers, his dobang was dismantled. After he took over the dobang, for his personal safety and to strengthen his position he compensated gyeon dae seong's dobang and developed the organization. In the process of extending the dobang Choi chung heon recruited many talented people to strengthen the military base, and also accepted the advice and expanded the power of Dobang. Choi Chung Heon thus consolidated his political gains by weakening the power of the king's army and adjusting the myth, which could've threatened his regime, and this was called Dobang number 6th. Dobang number six got even more powerful by his son named Choi woo, and after ruling, he expanded into a room, and a substantial reorganization of Dobang was developed. And then the creation of yabyeolcho also showed the effect to prevent the crisis. Although the palace guards who were public security service of Koryo Dynasty was still maintained during the military rule era when the royal authority was incapacitated, it was only maintained to have a symbolic meaning as the actual authority including military power was with Choi, the master of Dobang, private security service group. Likewise, during the rule of Choi, private securty service could reign over public security service, and the noteworthy characteristic of Dobang is that it assisted the private soldier groups to seize the military power by reorganizing and modifying military system. Although both differences and similarities can be found when comparing the guards of Koryo Dynasty with those of contemporary society, they have a similarity in terms of the essence of guards that they guarantee the safety of their clients. As for differences, the royalty of Koryo Dynasty and the pursuit of profit of contemporary society are in contrast, and contemporary guards can be seen as the fulfillment of responsibility and duty by free will, whereas guards of Koryo Dynasty were ruled with military coercion.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.142-163
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• 2020

In the early Joseon dynasty, the meritorious vassals' portrait of Jeokgae (1467, 1476), Jeongguk (1506)·Jeongnan (1507), and Wisa (1545) were defined as the 2^nd period of the official uniform, in which the acheongsaek HeukDanryung appeared and settled. A total of seven portraits were analyzed, including three portraits of Jeokgae (1467, portrait production 1476) Son-so, Oh Jachi, and Jang Malson, and four portraits of Jeongguk (1506)·Jeongnan (1507) Yoo Sunjung, Hong Gyeongju, Lee Woo, and Yoo Hong. In the portrait of the Jeokgae wearing a Yebok HeukDanryung, in the case of the Samo, the height of the Samo, which had been raised at the beginning of King Seongjong, was lowered again, and the parietal part was rounded. The pattern was not expressed on the wide oval side wings of the Samo. In addition, the pattern was not expressed on the acheongsaek Danryung, Dapho, and Cheolrik. The colors of Dapho and Cheolrik were unified in green and red, respectively. The Mu of Danryung and Dapho was expressed as 'in and out wrinkled Mu', and the shoes were expressed in Baekhwa. Another feature is that the Jeokgae's portrait is expressed not as the Pumgye at the time of appointment, but as the Pumgye of the portrait production time. In the portrait of the Jeongguk·Jeongnan wearing a Sibok HeukDanryung, the height of the Samo lowered from the Jeokgae was maintained, while the parietal part was slightly narrowed and bent forward. The side wings of the Samo were expressed as an oval with a uniform width, and still the pattern was not expressed on the side wings. The pattern was not expressed in the costume of the Danghagwan's portrait, but the cloud pattern began to be expressed in the costume of the Dangsanggwan's portrait. And the Danryung was expressed as single Danryung without lining. In the portrait of Dangsang, the red Dapho and green Cheolrik were expressed, and in the portrait of Dangha, the green Dapho and blue Cheolrik were expressed. Therefore, it was found that the color of the undergarment was distinguished according to the Dangsang and Dangha. In Danryung and Dapho, the 'in and out wrinkled Mu' were maintained. The shoes were expressed in Heukhwa, and the rank badge and rank belt reflect the Pumgye at the time of the appointment. On the other hand, the portrait of Wisa could not be confirmed, but through the recording painting of the reign of King Meongjong, it was found that it was similar to the Danryung system of the reign of King Jungjong. Through the 2^nd period of the meritorious vassal's portrait of Jeokgae, it was confirmed that the HeukDanryung outfit began to be used as the official uniform of the meritorious vassal's portrait, and that the Pumgye of the portrait production time was reflected in the portrait. After the meritorious vassal's portrait of Jeongguk, the pattern began to be expressed in the costumes, and in particular, it was possible to distinguish Dasang and Dangha by the presence or absence of the HeukDanryung's pattern. In addition, it was confirmed that the expressed aspect of the official uniform was consistent with the practices and regulations at the time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.164-183
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• 2020

In the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty, the historic record of Banpo is fragmentary and contains many missing details. The main reason is a lack of associated literature, and it is also significant that the actual substance used is not clear at present. Banpo is a kind of cotton, but this has not been confirmed in the traditional textiles that are currently handed down. The word Ban [斑] in Banpo means "stain", and the letter Po [布] means "fabric". At the border of white discourse, Banpo did not receive attention as a research topic. This study is an attempt to restore some of the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty through Banpo. Banpo is not just limited to the Joseon Dynasty; it is an important material for examining the development of textile culture and exchange in East Asia. This study was broadly divided into three parts. First, the record and meaning of Banpo during the Joseon Dynasty were examined. Records of Banpo can be seen from the early Joseon period during King Sejo and Seongjong, and the production and actual use of Banpo have been confirmed. Banpo was maintained until the beginning of the 20^th century, but is no longer observed. Banpo is a woven fabric made of cotton yarn dyed in many colors and has appeared in Southeast Asia since ancient times. In East Asia, there are other fabrics similar to Banpo, such as Ho [縞], Sum [纖], and Chim [綅]. In particular, the correlation between Banpo and Ho is an important link in understanding Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty. Second, the meaning of Banpo was examined from various angles through comprehensive analysis of Chinese and Japanese literature records and cases. The appearance and development of Banpo moved in sync with the period when cotton was introduced into East Asia. In East Asia, cotton was introduced and produced in earnest from the end of the Song Dynasty to the beginning of the Yuan Dynasty, and the meaning of Banpo was diversified. In China, the name of Banpo was changed to Hwapo [花布], Gizapo [碁子布], Gizahwapo [棋子花布], etc. Japan was late to introduce cotton and developed it in acceptance of the changed meaning. In Japan, use of the name Banpo is not on record, but a Ryujo [柳條] fabric of the same type as banpo has been identified. This Ryujo is the same concept as Ho and Hwapo, and later merged into Ho. Names such as Ho, Hwapo, Banpo, etc. were used differently in each country, but the form was shared across East Asia. Third, based on the meaning of Banpo shared in East Asia, the format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty was classified. The format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty can be divided into grid and striped versions. The name Banpo disappeared over time, but the form remained and was passed down until recently. I hope that this study will help restore Banpo in the future.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.375-384
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• 2010

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of 'hwangchung' in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the 'hwangchung' (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on 'the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty' and 'the Emollment of Haegoeje', two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Emollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Emollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo's. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik's opinion: II in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called 'Poje'. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.180-203
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• 2020

In this study, the period before the Gwanbok of meritorious vassals' portraits was expressed in the acheongsaek-Heuk-Danryung was defined as the first period, and the costumes worn in portraits of meritorious vassals from Gaeguk (1392) in the early Joseon Dynasty to Jwali (1471) during the era of King Seongjong were reviewed. The portraits(1476) of Jeokgae meritorious vassals (1467) depicted as the Gwanbok of acheongsaek Heuk-Danryung were excluded. Among the copies that are currently considered to be portraits of meritorious vassals belonging to the first period, the portraits of Lee-je, Lee Cheon-woo, Ma Cheon-mok, Shin Suk-ju, Seol Gye-jo, and Lee Sung-won were selected, and the formative characteristics of Gwanbok components were examined. The Samo of Sam-Gongsin in the early Joseon Dynasty had a low height, a rounded end, and the side wings were narrow and short. However, since King Danjong, Jeongnan·Jwali meritorious vassals retained a higher form, and the side wings were twice as long. It was also confirmed that the pattern was not expressed in the side wings. The Danryung was expressed in light-colored Danryung without specific colors at the beginning of the country. After King Sejong, the Heuk-Danryung system for Yebok began, but it was not reflected in the Gwanbok of meritorious vassals' portraits, and was expressed as damhongsaek-Danryung after King Danjong. The pattern was not expressed on the exterior of the Danryung, and inner-wrinkled Mu was expressed on the side line. The Dapho and Cheolrik, the undergarments of the Danryung, were also confirmed as being blue (the Dapho) and green (the Cheolrik) after the Jeongnan meritorious vassals. The early Sam-Gongsin's Pumgye was expressed by rank belt, but as the system of rank badge was established after King Danjong, it began to express the Pumgye by rank badge and rank belt. Among the portraits of meritorious vassals, the rank badge was expressed only in the portrait of Sin Suk-ju, a Jeongnan meritorious vassal. As Hwaja worn on the Danryung, Heuk-hwa were confirmed in the Sam-Gongsin portraits of the early Joseon Dynasty. However, in the portraits of Jeongnan and Jwali meritorious vassals after King Danjong, the Baek-hwa was confirmed. In addition, in the seam parts of the Heuk-hwa and Baek-hwa identified in some portraits of meritorious vassals, Hwi decorated with yeongeumsa were identified, and it was found that the Hwaja decorated with Hwi were the Hyeopgeum-hwa worn by the 3rd rank and above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.110-125
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the constructional facts and the operational features of Hamchunwon(含春苑), a wonyu(苑?, a royal garden) constructed in Dongbu(Eastern District) of the capital city of Hanyang. As the living quarters of the queen dowagers were scheduled for relocation after the construction of Changgyeonggung Palace(昌慶宮) during the reign of King Seongjong(成宗), it is presumed that the screening tree planting project discussed around tongmangcheo(通望處, a place allowing open view) was the original form of Dongbu Hamchunwon. Dongbu Hamchunwon was a longitudinal royal garden built in the area across the section from Wolgeunmun Gate(月覲門) to Seoninmun Gate(宣仁門), which were both attached to the east side walls of Changgyeonggung Palace. The area corresponds to the west side area of the newly built main building of Seoul National University Hospital today. During the Joseon Dynasty, only royal gardens built within a palace were referred to as geumwon(禁苑, a palace garden). But Dongbu Hamchunwon which was built outside a palace was recognized as a symbolic and hierarchical space comparable to geumwon. The site location of Donbu Hamchunwon was an important place that corresponded to Naecheongnyong(內靑龍) according to Hanyang's geomancy, and large-scale public works were prohibited in order to protect the vein of Naecheongnyong. During the reign of King Injo(仁祖), part of Dongbu Hamchunwon was partitioned as a ranch. The area around the ranch was called Madongsan(馬東山) and Bangmawon(放馬苑) and was an open space used for rest and pleasure (amusement). In the early days of Hamchunwon's construction, fast growing trees were planted to screen the view to Changgyeonggung Palace. However, after the construction of Gyeongmogung Shrine(景慕宮), a broad scale tree planting project was undertaken to complement Naecheongnyong's vapor of the earth. In particular, after the construction of Yugeunmum Gate(?覲門) and Yucheommun Gate(?瞻門) during the reign of King Jeongjo(正祖), Dongbu Hamchunwon functioned as a key point on the King's progress for paying respects to the ancestors, which followed the route of Palace(Changgyeonggung)-Wonyu(Hamchunwon)-Ancestral Shrine(Gyeongmogung).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.116-139
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• 2017

Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.287-310
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is examining the contents of Mugyeongchilseo researching of Mukwashichwi in early Joseon Dynasty. The conclusions are following in several facts. First, the subjects of test are distinctly divided into 2 different parts. These are martial art test and textbook one. The martial art test was focused on archery and skill of spear. otherwise the text test was consisted of Byeonseo and Saseosamgyeong. Second, Mukwashichwi had 2 different courses Mukwkjo and Dosijo. Each of them also had 3 steps Chosi, Boksi Jeonsi. Regarding text test, the person who applied Mukwjo was able to choose 1 text book of Saseoogyeong, 1 text book of Mugyeongchilseo and 1 text book of "Tonggam", "Byeongyo", "Janggambagui", "Mugyeong", "Sohak" and "Gyeonggukdaejeon". But, the person who applied Dosijo was able to choose 1 text book "Noneo", "Maengja", 1 text book of Ogyeong and 1 book of "Tonggam", "Janggambagui", "Byeongyo", "SunTzu". Third, As the result of examining 42 articles of Mugyeongchilseo in records of Joseon Dynasty. There was unstable stardards in Mukwashichwi at that time. So It needed various texts book to take a test. But, after king Seongjong, "Gyeonggukdaejeon" was completed assigned and the standard text book was set up and applied. Finally, considering important meaning of Mugyeongchilseo, It had been existed as text book of Mukwashichwi for a long time and never deleted like many other books. It had always played critical roles of every types of Mukwa test and had been rules of military appointment.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.509-547
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• 2019

The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.