• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.100 no.4
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• pp.672-680
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• 2011

The purpose of this study has been carried to develop a criterion for the selection of evaluation factors on Forest Carbon Cycle Community(F.C.C.C) based on the result of survey of 96 participants who were operation managers on mountain eco village(31), relevant experts(33), and officers of local government(32). For analysis of the results of survey, DHP(Delphi Hierarchy Process) method was used which is a combination of Delphi method and AHP(Analytic Hierarchy Process) method. The key factors on selection of a suitable area to launch F.C.C.C. project of Korea Forest Service was selected under three hierarchical classes. Class 1 comprises 3 indices(Physical resource index, Human resource index, Vision index), and Class 2 which contains 10 indices (Existing resource, Surroundings resource, Forest biomass resource, Humanities Social quality, Local resident participation, Leader's ability, External support, Planning of operation, Capability of operation, and Effect of operation). Class 3 is sub-level class of class which possess 38 indices. From the results of analysis, Consistency Index(C.I) of each index in the 3 classes was used as evaluation factor. In Class 1, index 'human resources' showed highest Consistency Index(0.454). In Class 2, index 'forest biomass resources' was the highest Consistency Index(0.376) in 'physical resources' of Class 1, index 'leader's ability' was the highest Consistency Index(0.326) in 'human resources' of Class 1, and index 'planning of operation' was the highest Consistency Index(0.346) in 'vision' of Class 1. In Class 3, relative importance of 38 index including 'Joint ownership land security(C.I.-0.266)' was evaluated. Based on the result of this study, a criterion for the selection of evaluation factors for F.C.C.C was developed and the evaluation criterion is expected to be use to select of a suitable area to launch F.C.C.C. project since 2011.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.241-281
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• 2013

First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.725-756
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• 2013

In this paper, the possibility of extension of falsification conception was investigated to discuss the validity of this precedent. Consequently this extension was indispensible according to the article 237-2 of criminal code which regards the reproduced document as the document in the document crime. However, this is against the security of human right. On the contrary, there is not this kind of article in the German criminal code and the German precedents and majority theory are negative to regard it as the criminal document. And also, there is the pont of view that the reproduced document is not the criminal document because it's not the expression itself of document nominee's intention, so the article 237-2 should be demolished in Korea. According to this opinion, the serious reconsideration should be required in the legislation of this article 237-2. Nevertheless, if this extended conception is needed and it's possible, the meaning of the computer monitor's image is not able to be ignored in the conception of falsification. Therefore this should be regarded as the element of the falsification conception. In other words, this can't be evaluated as the object of falsification but the target of falsification, according to the conception extension, though the precedents do not regard it as the document in document crime.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.49-81
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• 2016

This study agrees with the idea that a situation centered perspective provides a useful contribution in understanding women's attitude on organizations. Women's occupational experiences are less related to their "femaleness" than to the structural constraints inherent in the occupational positions women fill. So characteristics of the organizational situation including gender composition and hierarchical status may "shape and define" women's experience on the job. The present study examined the managerial level's gender gap and "glass ceiling" of the corporation. According to Kanter, if the ratio of women to men in organizations begins to shift, as affirmative action and new hiring and promotion policies promised, forms of relationships and corporate culture should also change. However, the mere presence of women on workplace may not, in itself, result in women-friendly work condition. This study analyzes "Korean Women Manger Panel survey(2010 3rd. wave)" to examine how much gender gap of the managerial level persists and when the glass ceiling effect emerges. Using t-test and ANOVA, various aspects of the gender gap within managerial level were verified. The most significant finding is the glass ceiling effect starts from very low level of management. Policy implications from the statistical analysis of the Panel survey are: 1) We need to increase the absolute number of the women managers for securing middle level women leadership pipe line. 2) We need to confront the fact that the glass ceiling starts from the very low managerial level, and to explore more realistic way to break up the vicious circle for the tokenism. and 3) We need to looking beyond numbers in approaching women's matter at work. At the cultural and institutional level, work-family programs and policies, women's ratings of their competence, and family-friendly organization's climate should be considered.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.77-115
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to present empirical evidence for discussion of financing social welfare via estimating optimal tax burden in the main member countries of the OECD by using Hausman-Taylor method considering endogeneity of explanatory variables. Also, the author produced an international tax comparison index reflecting theoretical hypotheses on revenue-expenditure nexus within a model to compare real tax burden by countries and to examine feasibility of tax increase in Korea. As a result of the analysis, the higher the level of tax burden was, the higher the level of welfare expenditure was, indicating the connection between high burden and high welfare from the aspect of scale. The results also indicated that the subject countries recently entered into the state of low tax burden. Meanwhile, Korea had maintained low burden until the late 1990s but the tax burden soared up since the financial crisis related to the IMF. However, due to the impact of foreign economy and the tax reduction policy, it reentered into the low-burden state after 2009. On the other hand, the degree of social welfare expenditure's reducing tax burden has been gradually enhanced since the crisis. In this context, the current optimal tax burden ratio of Korea as of 2010 may be 25.8%~26.5% of GDP based on input of welfare expenditure variables, a percent that Korea was investigated to be a 'high tax burden-low ITC' country whose tax increase of 0.7~1.4%p may be feasible and that the success of tax system reform for tax increase might be higher probability when compare to others. However, measures of increasing social security contributions and consumption tax were analyzed to be improper from the aspect of managing finance when compared to increase in other tax items, considering the relatively higher ITC. Tax increase is not necessarily required though there may be room for tax increase; the optimal tax burden ratio can be understood as the level that may be achieved on average when compared to other nations, not as the "proper" level. Thus, discussion of tax increase should be accompanied with comprehensive understanding of models of economic developmental difference from nations and institutional & historical attributes included in specific tax mix.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.153-185
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the actual conditions and causes of the problem behaviors of Korean Chinese'left-behind'children in China in order to propose a support system to prevent problem behaviors of them. For this purpose, a questionnaire survey was conducted on 399 children who attend at three Korean Chines schools in Yonbian in China. The questionnaire consisted of general characteristics, internalizing problem behavior, social support, self-esteem, and self-resilience. This paper analysed the survey data by employing one-way ANOVA and a structural equation modeling. It verified if there is significant difference in internalizing problem behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. It also identified a structural causal relationship and direct or indirect effects among problematic behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, there was a statistically significant difference in the social withdrawal and depression of internalizing problem behaviors between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. Second, the left-behind children's group showed no significant difference in self-resilience and social support compared to non left-behind children's group, but showed a significant difference in self-esteem. In the positive self- esteem factor, non left-behind children's group showed much higher score whereas left-behind children's group was higher in the negative self-esteem factor. Third, social support for left-behind children's group has a statistically significant direct negative effect on internalizing problem behaviors, and indirectly negative effects on problem behavior through self-resilience. These results suggest the necessity of establishing a social support system for mitigating and preventing problem behaviors and the necessity of preparing measures to improve self-resilience. Based on the results of the study, we discussed how to establish a social support system in China to mitigate internalizing problem behaviors of Korean Chinese left-behind children.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.295-316
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• 2008

This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.47-83
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• 2017

The Swedish labor market secures flexibility in the use of labor force by means of non-regular workers such as temporary workers among others instead of regular workers' layoffs. Although the labor law reform in the late 2000s made it easier to use temporary workers and the outbreak of the economic crisis strengthened the power of user firms against labor unions, the size of temporary workers was scaled down. It is the aim of this study to analyze the change in the use of temporary workers, to examine the effect of the labor law reform and that of economic crisis in that regard, and to explain how, over the use of temporary workers, user firms' strategy to secure flexibility and labor unions' strategy to regulate flexibility interact with each other so as to establish a new equilibrium through conflicts and compromises. The labor law reform to enhance the flexibility in the use of temporary workers failed to entail amendments of collective contracts. Besides, out of the economic crisis, user firms adopted a new policy to use third party workers more, refraining from employing temporary workers. That's why the number of temporary workers has declined eventually. User firms prefer to use third party workers because they could avoid their own responsibility as an employer and they could rely on 'permanent temporary' workers without any time limit. Labor unions, however, responded with a strategy to lay more strict regulations on the use of third party workers, so that third party workers could be used only for limited cause for external numerical flexibility. As a result, the managed flexibility thesis comes to prevail to the usage of non-regular workers in general beyond the category of agency workers. Korea with severe abuse of third party workers should learn from Swedish labor unions' strategy to provide third party workers with stronger employment security and higher wages so as to prevent user firms from abusing third party workers.