• 대한간호학회지
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.36-49
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• 1973

This study was carried out for the objectives to collect the basic informations on the health behaviors of the elementary school children in an urban area in Korea. Seven hundred students were drawn to fill in the designed questionnaire which carries variety of Questions on health re-lated behaviors in general, eating habits, disease history, mental health, and sex education. Questionnaire were filled in by their parents. Major findings are as follows: ① 55.7% had habits of washing the hands before eating whereas 59.8% trashing their hands after toilet. The others had no idea of washing hands before eating and after toilet. ② 26,5% had habits of brushing the teeth twice a day 54.7% only once in the morning, and 2.6% once only in the evening. Thus, the idea of prevention from decayed teeth seems to be lacking among the school children. ③ Bathing habits were also inquired to get 40.3% of bathing more than once a week, 43.1% once every two weeks, and the rest of 16.6% once every one to three months. ④ 41.7% keep the regular bedding time whereas 58.3% irregular. Physical exercises were con-ducted by 76.6% on the ground while 23.5% did not practice any physical exercises at all. Of those physical exercises, rope skipping occupied 37.5%, and the other 66.9% consisted of 14 different kinds of individual type physical exercises such as gymnastic exercise. The main reasons for not enjoying exercises were different by sex; boys largely complained the inadequacy and lack of gymnastic facilities and girls felt in short of friends who could join the exercises. ⑤ 31.9% of the school children had been taking not much of food while 28.3% had unbalanced diets. Of these unbalanced diets, meat occupied 33.2% to be the priority to have an order of the following items such as vegetables, bread or noodle, and fishes as next to each. For eating habits, 88.5% take simple snack such as bread (38.4%, cookies, fruits, and candies in order. 25.8% of the children were provided such snacks or their parents regularly. Breakfast was sufficiently taken by 45.0% whereas 8.4% had never sufficiently. As to the lunch, 63.6% had sufficiently while 16.8% insufficiently. 70.6% take breakfast with all family members together and 30.4% separately. Correlation of sufficient taking of breakfast and eating together of tile family member's seems to be significant when we compare 72.5% of sufficient takers who enjoy breakfast together with the family members with 55.6% of insufficient takers who enjoy it with the family. This finding allows the investigator to point out the importance of table circumstances for children's eating. ⑥ The most common disease was catching a cold (38.8%), and the second was stomach trouble to be followed by the frequency of car sickness, headache, and skin infection. Doctors are consulted only by 23.9% when they are sick whereas 59.7% resorted to the drug stores. The lower the educational attainment of the parents, the lower the rate of visiting clinics. ⑦ 36.7% of their parents pointed out the problems of personality guidance as the most difficult thing at home 71.3% of their parents worried about and unsatisfied with their children's personality traits. Of these complains of the parents, impatience stood at the top to be tabulated at 24.1%, and 21.1% indicated narrow-mindedness. In line with this primary socialization at home, the most crucial problem seems to be related with the lack or recognition of the parents'own role when we find only 43.1% of the parents understood the importance of their own role for the home education of children; the latter group attributed tile responsibility of personality formation to the children themselves. ⑧ As to the sex educational aspects, 30.9% of children have ever asked about the physiology of reproduction or sexual matters to their parents, of those parents only 17.0% could give the constructive responses to the inquiries of the children. In companies on with these data, 25.6% recognized their own role in sex education for their own children while the large segments of the parents (51.1%) attributed the responsibility of sex education to tile low level of 38.3% who recognized the importance of sex education in the school curriculum and 25.1% of the parents insisted to wait until they get to know naturally about sex. 38.1% of the parents said they had some knowledge on sex from books while 16.9% through mass media. The next groups had common senses of sex from their own parents, school friends and other sources.

• 대한한의학회지
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• 제28권3호통권71호
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• pp.70-85
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• 2007

Objectives : Considering the indigenousness of Korean medicine, the historical record was first introduced in 1946 as follows; a Chinese person, Ji-chong (知聰), brought 164 volumes of medical books to Japan via Goguryeo (高句麗) in A.D. 562. Since this event happened, Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of $Shinsen-sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學史), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended., Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of Shinsen-$sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學士), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended.

• 디자인학연구
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• 제20권
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• pp.279-291
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• 1997

The history of modern design begins with the arts and crafts movement(1860). The importance of the movement which decorated the outset gave birth to all the trends of thought which would occur under the circumstances within it, and is deemed that the ideas of the figures who played an active part in the movement might be ceaselessly continued through the works and ideas of their outstanding juniors or purpils as a doctrine of the philosophy of design. Therefore, it might be a prerequisite that the significance and spirit of the movement, and its developing process should be addressed in detail in the first place, but for the limited space of this paper, it was intended to desvribe only the part which can be interpreted in duplicate, linked with post-impressionism. The subject of this thesis is about a theory of art in which both ideas of the movement(1860) and the post-impressionism(1910) are comparatively reviewed. The genre, strictly speaking, is classified into the history of painting, and there is a gap fo about an half century between the issues which are comparatively discussed here. Both the movements began in a same environmental place of England, specially the movement at Milieu in England, and since there is a common point that the representative runners of each movement, William Morries(1834-1896) and Roger Fry(1866-1934), belong to a same race of Engol-Saxon, their ideas coincide with an aesthetic scholar, H. Tanie's aesthetic interpretation method and the more important is, as being elucidated in the comment and aesthetic theory for which Roger Fry gave effort and activity in his later life, that when he read intensively Ruskin's books, $\ulcorner$Modern Painters$\lrcorner$and$\ulcorner$Stones of Venice$\lrcorner$he had solidified his idea of post-impressionism while giving approval and criticism on them. After all, as in a co-painter, Windyham Lewis's reference of 'Roger Fry's Too Late Morris Movement', he, inspired by the actual activities of Morris, played activities similar to that of Morris in which exhibiting and selling some of his decorative art works signed by him and the works of post-impressionism through (1913-1920). Herein, that is wished to add a remark by this author is a point that the author of$\ulcorner$Vision and Design$\lrcorner$, Roger Fry, has not be made a subject of discussion specially in the Korean world of design. So, with this case of a thesis, it's wished that many latent awakened, design persons in korea give efforts to researching into Roger Fry so that their findings could be officially announced in the would. By the way, what is tried to describe in this paper from now on is to analyse and review the origin of post-impressionism which idea was first coined in the art world through the 1st and 2nd exhibitions of 'Manet and Post-impressionism' which were opened each at the Grafton Gallery in 1910 and 1913 by him. And also, it is intended to review it through the art journals and some references by critics of the day in which favorable criticism or severe criticism were ready to comment through the opinions and influences of the coworkers of Roger Fry, say, Clive Bell, Desmond Maccarthy, etc. and of himself as a main axis, on the art ideas of Gauguin, Gogh, Matisse, and Cezanne whose works were the typical ones participated and exhibited in those 1st and 2nd exhibitions.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.958-969
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• 1998

In this study, we attempted to investigate the needs and problems of the terminal cancer patients and their family caregivers to provide them with nursing information to improve their quality of life and prepare for a peaceful death. Data was collected from August 1, 1995 to July 31, 1996 at the internal medicine unit of S hospital in Seoul area with the two groups of participants who were family members of terminal cancer patients seventy four of them were in-patients and 34 were out-patients who were discharged from the same hospital for home care. The research tool used in this study has been developed by selecting the questionnaires from various references, modifying them for our purpose and refining them based on the results of preliminary study. While general background information about the patients was obtained by reviewing their medical records, all other information was collected by interviewing the primary family caregivers of the patients using the questionnaire. The data collected were analyzed with the SPSS PC/sup +/ program. The results of this study are summarized as follows ; 1) Most frequently complained symptoms of the terminal cancer patients were in the order of pain(87%), weakness(86.1%), anorexia(83.3%) and fatigue (80.6%). 2) Main therapies for the terminal cancer patients were pain control (58.3%), hyperalimentation(47.2%) and antibiotics(21.3%). 3) Special medical devices that terminal cancer patients used most were oxygen device (11.1%), and feeding tube(5.6%). Other devices were used by less than 5% of the patients. 4) The mobility of 70.4% of the patients was worse than ECOG 3 level, they had to stay in bed more than 50% of a day. 5) Patients wanted their medical staffs to help relieve pain(45.4%), various physical symptoms(29.6%), and problems associated with their emotion(11.1%). 6) 16.7% of the family caregivers hoped for full recovery of the patients, refusing to admit the status of the patients. Also, 37% wished for the extension of the patient's life at least for 6 months. 7) Only 38.9% of the family members was preparing for the patient's funeral. 8) 45.4% of family caregivers prefer hospital as the place for the patient's death, 39.8% their own home, and 14.8% undetermined. 9) Caregivers of the patients were mostly close family members, i.e., spouse(62%), and sons and daughters or daughter-in-laws(21.3%). 10) 43.5% of the family caregivers were aware of hospice care. 46.8% of them learned about the hospice care from the mass media, 27.7% from health professionals, and the rest from books and other sources. 11) Caregivers were asked about the most difficult problems they encounter in home care, 41 of them pointed out the lack of health professionals they can contact, counsel and get help from in case of emergency, 17 identified the difficulty of finding appropriate transportation to hospital, and 13 stated the difficulty of admission in hospital as needed. 12) 93.6% of family caregivers demanded 24-hour hot line, 80% the visiting nurses and doctors, and 69.4% the volunteer's help. The above results indicate that terminal patients and their family caregivers demand help from qualified health professionals whenever necessary. Hospice care system led by well-trained medical and nursing staffs is one of the viable answers for such demands.

• 디자인학연구
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.185-197
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• 1998

국내 출판시장 규모는 (문화체육부 통계자료) 세계 시장 규모 7위로, 아동도서 출판 이 세계 3위 수준에 달하는 출판현황은 그 양적 성장에 비하여 책이 종류와 장르의 은 한정되고 있는 상황이다. 외국의 아동 출판계는‘복합출판’으로 동화 한 종을 보더라도 인형, 오디오, 게임, CD롬 타이틀 등을 동시에 내놓는 상황으로, 심지어 기획단계 부터 비디오(만화영화)도 고려한다. 이에 비해 국내 아동출판의 대부분은 학습지가 점유하고 있다. 90년대 들어 고학력 부모들의 신중한 책 선택도 아동 출판계의 변화 배경으로 꼽힌다. 이런 풍요 속 빈곤의 문제점은 $^{(1)}$지난해(1997)나온, 우리 그림책의 1백 90여권이 번역물로, 실리적 측면에서 국내 기획물 이 빈약한 실정이다. “강아지 똥”은 국내기획의 창작 그림책 중 1만 5000부가 나가는 상업적 성공을 거둔 것을 보면, 기획력에 따라 우리 창작물도 얼마든지 시장을 확보할 수 있음을 제시한다. 자연이 소중함을 한국적 삽화와 곁들여 출판한“강아지 똥”창작그림동화책의 인기는 판매량 면에서도, 많은 독자들의 우리 책 선호를 알 수 있다. 본 연구는 우리나라 창작동화의 전망 찾기의 모토로서, 어린이 창작그림동화책 가운데 $^{(2)}$베스트셀러로서 외국 번역창작동화그림책“누가 내 머리에 똥 쌌어”과 우리의 창작그림동화책인“강아지 똥”을 그림동화 기획(주제, 글, 일러스트, 편집디자인)의 독창적 구성요소들을 중심으로 연구.검토하여, 세계 속의 한국의 창작그림동화책 만들기를 보다 전문적이고 예술성 높은 그림책의 내적 구조, 창의성(글과 그림)의 관계, 이미지의 풍부한 내용을 표현한 새로운 조형언어를 통하여 어린이를 위한 출판그림의 우수성 향상을 목적으로, 장르별로 문학적.예술적.교육적 요소를 포함한 우리 창작그림동화책 기획 및 발전의 계기를 부여함으로써, 우리 어린이에게 궁극적으로는 삶의 가치를 높여주는‘이야기가 담겨진 그림이 있는 책’인 좋은 창작그림동화책의 기획을 예시하고자 한다.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제31권2호
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• pp.138-159
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• 1996

해방후 50년간 우리 나라의 자연지리학 연구는 주로 지형학과 기후학에 의해 주도 되어 왔다. 자연지리학이 지니는 종합적인 학문적 성격에도 불구하고 개별 각론들이 독자적 으로 연구되어 왔고 그 연구 대상이나 연구 방법이 워낙 다양하기 때문에, 자연지리학 연구 의 전체적인 방향성이나 패러다임을 찾기가 힘들다. 지난 50년간 우리 나라 자연지리학 연 구중에서 지형학과 기후학을 제외한 나머지 연구를 자연지리학 일반으로 간주하고 이들 연 구를 자연지리학 총론, 토양지리학, 식물지리학, 수문지리학, 인간과 자연 환경이라는 주제로 구분해 정리하였다. 원래 자연지리학이 추구하던 통합적 접근방법이 점차 사라지고 자연지 리학 각론들이 각기 이웃한 지구과학과 밀접한 관계를 맺으면서 발전하여 왔다. 다학문적 해결책만이 유일한 대안이 되어 버린 환경 시대를 맞아, 자연지리학이 자연 환경에 대한 고 유의 통합적 접근 방법으로 재무장하여 환경 문제에 대한 주도적 학문으로 부활되기를 기대 한다.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제31권2호
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• pp.160-197
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• 1996

한국 경제지리학은 지난 반세기동안 연구의 범위나 양적인 면에서 상당한 변화를 겪어왔다. 본 연구에서는 편의상 한국경제지리학을 농업지리학, 공업지리학, 상업,서비스,유통지리학,교통지리학으로 나누어 각각 연구성과와 과제를 검토하였다. 농업지리학은 1970년대 중반이전에 한국경제지리학의 발전을 주도하였으나 1970년대 중반이후 연구활동이 타분야에 비하여 상대적으로 활발하지 못하였다. 연구주제도 1970년대 중반 전후간에 큰차이가 없으나 다만 최근들엇 농업공간의 변화나 겸업 지역분화 등 농업활동과 농업지역의 동태성을 더욱 강조하고 있다. 공업지리학은 1980년대 이후 연구가 가장 활발히 전개된 분야인데 최근에는 전통적으로 연구되어온 입지변화나 공업지역구조뿐만 아니라 기업조직의 변화 생산체계와 산업공간의 변화 첨단기술산업발전과 과학단지개발 산업구조조정과 지역경제, 해외직접투자, 산업지구와 산업공간연계 등 다양한 주제의 연구가 이루어졌다. 상업,서비스,유통지리학에서는 1980년대까지 정기시장, 상가구조, 상품별 유통에 관한 연구가 주로 이루어졌으나 1990년대에 들어서는 생산자서비스를 중심으로한 서비스산업과 고나련된 연구들이 많이 이루어졌다. 교통지리학에서는 그동안 지속적으로 통근, 화물운송체계, 교통망 등에 대한 연구가 중심을 이루고 있는데, 이중에서 통근에 대한 연구가 가장 활발히 이루어졌고 최근에는 통근연구의 주제도 다양해졌다. 본 연구에서 각 분야별로 앞으로의 연구과제를 지적하였는데 경제지리전반에서 볼때 지역경제 또는 국가경제의 경쟁적 우위의 변화와 경제구조재편 및 그에 따른 지역구조변화, 경제지리학에서의 환경문제, 첨단기술의 발달과 정보화에 따른 산업공간조직의 변화. 문화와 경제발전. 해외지역연구 등이 앞으로 중점적으로 다루어져야할 주요 연구과제이다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제35호
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• pp.415-445
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• 2009

순암(順菴) 안정복(安鼎福)(1712~1791)은 역사학자로 널리 알려져 있지만, 향촌사회(鄕村社會) 전문가이기도 했다. 그는 중앙 정치권력에서 소외된 남인계(南人系) 학자였다. 유년과 청년시절 향촌 각처를 전전했고, 20대 중반 광주(廣州) 덕곡(德谷)에 정착한 뒤로는 관직 때문에 잠시 나간 것을 제외하고는 줄곧 이곳에 머물며 수양과 저술에 전념했다. 60대 후반 목천(木川) 현감(縣監)을 마지막으로 실직(實職)에서 물러났다. 이러한 불우한 환경은 그의 학문적 관심과 정치적 시선을 형이상학(形而上學)이 아닌 '형이하학(形而下學)'으로, 중앙이 아닌 '향촌'으로 향하게 했다. 그는 향촌을 가(家)와 국(國)을 매개하는 연결고리로 파악하고, 향촌을 기반으로 하여 인간의 기본 윤리와 일상생활에서의 예(禮)의 실천을 강조하는 유교공동체를 구상했다. 먼저, 그가 구상한 유교공동체는 향촌을 단위로 하는 지역공동체이다. 그는 향촌사회의 문제를 해결하기 위하여 교화(敎化)를 최우선의 과제로 삼고, 향약(鄕約)을 그 방안으로 제시했다. 자신의 향리에 동약(洞約)을 실시했고, 목천 현감 시절에는 향약(鄕約)을 시행했다. 이것은 사대부 중심의 향촌질서를 재구축하고자 한 의도로 파악된다. 그러나 이 향약은 상하(上下) 동참의 형태를 취하고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 민심(民心)에 대한 순응과 사대부의 솔선수범을 강조하고 일상생활에서의 윤리의 실천을 통해 구성원 간의 조화와 질서를 추구한다는 점에서 지역공동체적인 성격을 지닌다. 한편, 그는 향촌의 학문공동체를 기획했다. 그는 학교 진흥을 교화의 급선무로 인식하고, 서재(書齋)를 중심으로 향촌 자제들과 강학 활동을 전개했다. 여택재(麗澤齎)라는 서재(書齋)를 설치하여 "소학(小學)"을 강독했고, 70대 후반에는 "여씨향약(呂氏鄕約)"을 표준으로 하고 일상의 윤리와 독서법을 덧붙인 학약(學約)을 마련하여 시행했다. 이 학약은 뒤에 전라남도 나주의 미천서원(眉泉書院)에 적용되었다. 이는 강학과 명도(明道)의 중시, 독서와 실천의 일치를 강조하는 그의 학문관과 학문공동체 기획의 사회적 확장 가능성을 보여주는 사례라고 판단된다.

• 기록학연구
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• 제20호
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

1980년대 이후 한국의 '전투적' 노동운동은 노동계급의 존재를 세상에 알렸다. 그러나 한국 현대 노동운동의 역사를 재현하는 것은 간단치 않은 일이다. 그동안 노동계급 주체의 기록이 체계적으로 관리되지 않았기 때문이다. 노동조합의 기록관리 현실은 제대로 된 기록관리 규정이 없는 사실로도 입증된다. 노동조합의 기록관리 관련 규정은 '조선총독부 처무규정'과 마찬가지로 '처무규정'의 이름으로도 존재한다. 노동조합에서 기록은 증빙기록 위주로 구성되어 있다. 기록의 분류 편철 폐기 등은 1970년대 '정부공문서' 규정과 같은 수준에서 이루어지고 있다. 그러한 의미에서 노동조합의 기록관리 규정은 '원시적'이다. 노동조합의 기록 보존기간 책정 기준은 전문성이 결여되어 있다. 영구 기록 선별 기준도 기본적인 문서 또는 이에 준하는 문서라는 규정에 의지하고 있으며, 거의 증빙기록 중심이다. 다분히 자의적이고 추상적이다. 전국노동조합협의회의 잔존기록은 매우 분절적으로 존재한다. 단체교섭 업무를 계획수립, 조사활동, 단체교섭 요구서 작성 의견수렴 활동, 요구안 제출 선전, 교섭, 타결 후 활동 등으로 구분하여 잔존기록을 살펴보았지만, 단위사업장 기록은 일부만 남아 있다. 교육 관련 기록, 대의원대회 기록 또한 마찬가지이다. 업무 과정과 결과 전체를 재현할 수 있는 기록 시리즈는 거의 없다. 이러한 점은 미국 남부 노동 아카이브 컬렉션들과 비교하면 많은 차이가 있음을 알 수 있다. 즉 남부 노동 아카이브 기록들은 지역 노동조합 중앙의 집행 조직과 관계된 지역의 기록은 물론이고, 팸플릿 잡지 사진 개인 기록 구술 기록, 협정서 정관 내규 등의 조직 기록, 총회 의사록 등을 포함하고 있다. 결국 백서 발간 준비 시점에 이르러서야 기록을 수집하는 현상은 현재의 노동조합에서도 여전히 나타날 수 있는 문제이기 때문에 기록을 생산하는 시점부터 기록을 관리해야 한다는 인식이 시급히 노동조합에 확산되어야 할 것이다. 최근 노동운동 기록의 수집과 관리 등을 사업으로 설정한 '노동자역사 한내'가 조직되어 기록의 전산화와 편찬사업 등 활발한 활동을 전개하고 있다. '한내'는 한국 사회에서 노동 아카이브로 전환될 수 있는 일정한 조건을 갖추고 있다. 그러나 단순히 전환의 문제만은 아니다. 노동 아카이브를 설립하는 과정에서 연대와 실천을 통해 노동조합의 기록관리 기반을 만들고 정상화 시켜야 한다. '노동조합 표준 기록관리 규정'의 보급, 보유일정표 재설계, 노동조합의 기록관리 모형 개발 등 기록관리의 기초적인 활동을 사업의 중심으로 삼아야 한다. 또한 기록의 공유를 통한 연대와 소통을 위해 노동 아카이브 허브 기관의 역할도 담당해야 할 것이다. 이러한 것이 가능할 때 노동 아카이브 설립은 현실화 될 수 있을 것이다.