Korea has a high standard of IT environment to serve exhibit programs through the web with internet propagation and IT technology. However, the web exhibition of public institutions not only seem to introduce off-line exhibitions but also not to invigorate. It is caused by the lack of awareness, the cost of system installation and the lack of professional manpower. In this situation, OMEKA could suggest practical solutions to archives where need their own exhibition through the web. Especially, it would helpful for small record management organizations which are not enough budget and personal. OMEKA is an open source software program for digital collection and contents management. It has an affinity with users unlike traditional archives service programs. It also has been variously used by libraries, museums and schools because of exceptional exhibit functions. In this article, we introduce to the installation of a practical use about OMEKA. Regarding to OMEKA features, we consider it to raise exhibit effects. OMEKA would reduce the cost related to plans of exhibitions because it could display various contents and programs which reflecting characteristics of institutions. In addition, the availability of installation and widespread technological environment would lessen burden of public institutions. Using OMEKA, they would improve service level of public institutions and, make users satisfy. Therefore, they can change the social recognition of public institutions. OMEKA can contribute to various exercises of public records. It is not just the stereotypical system but, serves exhibition and collections with the strategy which each public institution would like to display. After all, it not only to connect to users with producers but also to improve the public image of institutions positively. Then, OMEKA would bring the great result through this interaction between public institutions and users.
Park, Hyejin;Kang, Hyunjoo;Lee, Eun-Sook;Lee, Hongmie
Journal of Nutrition and Health
/
v.54
no.5
/
pp.547-559
/
2021
Purpose: This study compares the snacking pattern, diet, lifestyle, and food preference of children by evaluating the most frequently eaten snacks. Methods: The survey enrolled 435 students from three elementary schools in Gyeonggi. Based on the most frequently eaten snacks, the subjects were divided into 3 groups: fruits and milk/dairy products for natural snacks (NS, n = 114); noodles, snack foods and fast foods for meal-like snacks (MS, n = 74); cookies, beverages and bread as sweet snacks (SS, n = 247). Results: Compared to the MS group, preferences of the NS group were significantly higher for jabgokbap (cooked rice with multi-grains, p < 0.05) and saengchae (seasoned raw vegetables, p < 0.01), and significantly lower for gogitwigim (deep-fried meat, p < 0.05). Taste preference of the NS group was considered to be more desirable; the taste preference of more subjects was 'sweet taste' in the SS group, 'spicy taste' in the MS group, 'salty taste' in the MS and SS groups, and 'sour taste' and 'bland taste' in the NS group than the other groups. Compared to the MS and SS groups, the NS group was determined to exercise more frequently; exercising for more than 30 minutes/day was determined to be 76.3% in the NS group and 58.1% and 57.9% in the other groups (p < 0.01). Moreover, a higher proportion of subjects in the MS group tended to answer 'not hungry' as the reason for leaving school meals, as compared to other groups (p = 0.055), thereby suggesting that inappropriate snacking habits interfere with regular meals. Conclusion: This study provides evidence that healthy snacking habits, which include natural snacks such as milk/dairy products and fruits, are important for children during the elementary school years, since these habits are associated with healthier diet, lifestyle, and food and taste preferences. These results provide basic information for developing nutritional education materials for elementary school children.
This study was inspired by the issue that the fundamentals of education have been overlooked, as today's smart education policies established in the knowledge-based information society of the 21st century have only focused on building digital environment and its efficiency. To carry out the study, the media education of Germany, which is equivalent of Korea's smart education, was analyzed to obtain implications for Korea's smart education. In Germany, the media education has been managed by the country ever since the information society has begun. Since 2009, the media education has become a requirement for all schools in every state. Thus, the current media education policy of each state has been analyzed, which revealed the following common characteristics. 1) The media education is closely linked to existing curriculum and education, rather than being conducted separately with different standards. 2) The media education is being conducted in a democratic manner by actively reflecting the exemplary cases of school teachers, rather than following the instructions and guidelines from the government. 3) The media education deals with the character and identity of young students, based on their basic understanding of information society, which are essential for a successful life in the upcoming society. Unlike the first and second implication linked to the method and procedure of media education policy, the third implication is the basic purpose of media education, which is also the key implication of this study. The media education policy of Germany, which is being conducted with its own educational philosophy, offers significant implications for Korea's smart education policy. In Korea, the education only revolves around device-based environment innovation or content development. It should be noted that the purpose of smart education is developing smart individuals who can bring better, happier, and more successful society - rather than establishing a smart environment. Therefore, the focus of discussion on Korea's smart education that revolves around environment, infrastructure, device utilization, and contents development should be changed to the character and identity of students, which are required in the future smart era. That's when 'human-based' educational revolution, instead of 'device-based' classroom revolution can begin.
In "Lu's Spring and Autumn", the ideas of all the schools before Qin Dynasty were compiled and the diagram of the Trinity of heaven, earth and man using the category of Yin-yang and the five elements of the universe since the ancient times was established. This can be assessed to be the blueprint for a unified empire closely connecting time and space, and objects in heaven and on earth centered around human beings. In specific, Yin-yang and the five elements of the universe were combined to categorize and schematize all things in the universe, and connect them to human affairs at the same time. Its contents convert almost all academic fields including politics, economics, society, military, astronomy, geography, medical science, education and history. Particularly, the documents popular during the age of civil wars and the ideas of Jikha scholars were synthesized and specified. Yet, it went beyond simple collection of the thoughts and documents since the ancient times in terms of contents and forms, and the method of 12 months for 1 year was selected and prescript was expanded to the various fields of politics and the society. In the Twelve principle, Yin-yang and the five elements, and the ten celestial stems and the earthly ones were combined, the contradiction from the process was solved, and the Rules of Four Seasons Thought was completed. Therefore, even though some parts of the idea of Yin-yang and the five elements in "Lu's Spring and Autumn" is found here and there from other documents, the unificative systematization of the whole has an important meaning in the history of thought. In summary, it has been proved that the Rules of Four Seasons Thought in "Lu's Spring and Autumn" was not limited to the physical unity of Yin-yang and the five elements of the universe, but qualitatively specified particularly in the aspects of agriculture from the people's side and politics from a leader's position.
Taoism is very political orientation from the start have. Internal alchemy has several factions, but southern school and northern school of taoism is typical of this. southern school begun from Zhang Bo-duan in north Song dynasty. Northern school is under Jin dynasty rule by Wang Chung-yang been established. Southern school did not create the platform, but northern school is developed mainly by the denomination from the first. Taoism is basically seek eternal life. Internal alchemy was created a unique discipline to reach the such stage with only Internal alchemy. Southern school's training methods were an elaborate series of logical structure with a counterpart, but northern school's methods is somewhat lacking logically. Southern school claim a training methods from the physical to mental through how to achieve it's ultimate goals, northern school took from mental to spiritual retreat methods that the way to achieve objectives. But northern school's theory of ascetic Practice is difficult to see that the contents are pure. Also, the labours of penance during his training process is the other way with Southern school. These differences are they closely associated with Confucianism and Buddhism, to understand the point of view. Southern school put a primary objective in the personal Practice, while northern school is fundamental to the relief of the people. This can see that has how long life times in southern school and northern school's main members. Because the members of southern school enjoyed great longevity, but northern school's main members was not enjoyed longevity. As a result, the southern school's flow is cut off and northern school became the center form a major organization in the history of china taoism. The southern school assimilated to the northern school. In a pure sense, host and guest's changed.
Huang Gan(1152 - 1220, pen-name Mian-zhai) was a famous scholar of Zhu-zi xue in the Southern Song period. Zhu-zi xue was also called Daoxue(道學), because it was based on the Cheng-Zhu xue(程朱學) and had very severe idea of Daotong(道統). Therefore, Zhu-zi xue emphasized practical movements of spreading Confucianism. The view of the Daotong(道統) developed in two aspects: protection of Confucianism and exclusion of Daoism Buddhism. Zhu Xi completed the idea of Daotong(道統), and his disciples, especially Huang Gan, continued his efforts. Zhu Xi's disciples searched the ultimate teaching of Confucianism through studying Four-books(四書). In due of their effort, Zhu-zi xue played a reading role in those academic fields. Huang Gan look upon himself as the successor to Zhu-zi xue. He expounded and missionized Zhu Xi's philosophical thought. In his later years, he accepted many students and passed the Zhu Xi's thought on to his students. He fostered "Jin-hua school(金華學派)"-He Ji(何基), the representative of this school. There is the relation of thought on the theory of knowledge and learning centering around Daotong between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school(金華學派). Especially, the most schools leading the academic society of Yuan period founded their thought on Huang Gan's. And it explained Huang Gan's historical influence and contributions to the Zhu-zi xue in the Yuan period.
The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.
It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the actual conditions and causes of the problem behaviors of Korean Chinese'left-behind'children in China in order to propose a support system to prevent problem behaviors of them. For this purpose, a questionnaire survey was conducted on 399 children who attend at three Korean Chines schools in Yonbian in China. The questionnaire consisted of general characteristics, internalizing problem behavior, social support, self-esteem, and self-resilience. This paper analysed the survey data by employing one-way ANOVA and a structural equation modeling. It verified if there is significant difference in internalizing problem behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. It also identified a structural causal relationship and direct or indirect effects among problematic behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, there was a statistically significant difference in the social withdrawal and depression of internalizing problem behaviors between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. Second, the left-behind children's group showed no significant difference in self-resilience and social support compared to non left-behind children's group, but showed a significant difference in self-esteem. In the positive self- esteem factor, non left-behind children's group showed much higher score whereas left-behind children's group was higher in the negative self-esteem factor. Third, social support for left-behind children's group has a statistically significant direct negative effect on internalizing problem behaviors, and indirectly negative effects on problem behavior through self-resilience. These results suggest the necessity of establishing a social support system for mitigating and preventing problem behaviors and the necessity of preparing measures to improve self-resilience. Based on the results of the study, we discussed how to establish a social support system in China to mitigate internalizing problem behaviors of Korean Chinese left-behind children.
In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.
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