• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.21-32
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• 2015

Sajik, the altar of land and grain was treated as one of the most important national ritual facilities by the Joseon dynasty and the Ming dynasty because it symbolized the legitimacy of a dynasty, and its architectural ordonnance was arranged strictly by the government. But when the Joseon government considered to reconstruct its national Sajik altar in Hanyang during the Sejong period, they found the new architectural ordonnance for local Sajik altars recorded in "Hongwulizhi(洪武禮制)" had been published by the Ming government was hard to adopt, because it was too narrow and totally different from the traditional style. Above all things, they doubt of there was other architectural ordonnance for kingdoms, not for local governments. King Sejong ordered to investigate the origin form and former examples, and tried to get other ritual documents of authority published by the Ming government such as "Damingjili(大明集禮)". After several academic researches and intense debates, they decided to create a new architectural ordonnance for their national Sajik altar, its form was in accord with the traditional style and its size was in accord with the new ordonnance. But they did not know there had already been the architectural ordonnance for the kingdom in the Ming dynasty. Because the first emperor of the Ming dynasty had changed its Sajik ritual system several times, even the whole country of the Ming dynasty also had gone through chaos on this issue even after his death. Consequentially, the official documentation works had been made partially, there was no a complete document on this issue even in the Ming government.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.69-76
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• 2012

This study conducted an analysis of importance levels and also an AHP analysis based on the results of the monitoring (from Aug 2011 through Feb 2012) carried out in the Sajik 2-dong in the City of Cheong-ju. By quantitatively eliciting the effects that the urban regeneration projects that use art programs have on the changes in the perception of community housings and by analyzing the results of objective verification, this study was able to ascertain that local resident festivals had the greatest impacts on the change in the perception of community housings in the Sajik 2-dong in the City of Cheong-ju. This is deemed to be attributable to the fact that programs such as local resident festivals, in which various age groups participated, - amidst the unmitigated circumstance of Sajik 2-dong in the City of Cheong-ju (conflicts among the residents on account of redevelopment project) - exerted significant influences in the perceptional change of the community and in the resolution of conflicts.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.75-81
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• 2001

This project provides designs for renewal of the surrounding environment related to old fountains typically located in cities. In many cities, the fountain element has bee located with a strategic position in the city. Located in the central area of Cheongju, the Sajik Fountain Fountain has significant position in the local city. However, due to changes in the surrounding area and the old-fashioned form of the fountain, it has not contributed substantially to the cityscape. Including the historical Seomoon Bridge and Moosim-Cheon(stream) as Wooam-San(mountain) setting, the surrounding environment of our planning site appear to be a locally important place. In respect to building with a broad function, landscape designers focused on the reconsideration of symbolization as landmark, of the image of Cheongju city, of recognition by removing the horizontal line and of the substantial civil´s use rate. Achieved by working with a sculptor, a new function, the main facility, is managed sculpturally and imaged in a drop of water representing clear, fresh Cheongju city. This plan introduces the image of Wooam-San, Moosim-Cheon(stream), Sangdang-SanSung(A mountain fortress) and elicit a sense of peace, symbolic of Cheongju. The significance of this project is that as the current cities are increasingly developed, small areas left alone in city are reconsidered and offered to the public as efficient, resting and active outdoor space.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.65-79
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• 2005

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.39-48
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• 2013

The goal of this paper is to assess the monetary value of each of the programs, by estimating the amount of willingnessto- pay for the urban regeneration programs that are being carried out in the art media space. Using the Sajik 2-dong in the City of Cheongju that is undergoing urban regeneration through 4 art mediated programs as the subject of this study, the monetary value was calculated through a contingent valuation method (CVM) that used double double-bounded question method. As a result of the analysis, the amount of willingness-to-pay for urban regeneration programs was found to be 36,250 won monthly average per household and, when this was converted to reflect all the households in the Sajik 2-dong area, the amount was estimated to be approximately 117 million won. In addition, in the case of the respondents who have experienced such programs, the amount of willingness-to-pay was found to be monthly average wise 12,880 won higher than those respondents who have not. As a result of the measurement of values based on art mediated urban regeneration programs, the Byeol-ddong-dae for children culture exploration program showed as having the highest value, followed by the local resident festival program, street puppet program and the resident autobiography program.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.120-131
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• 2014

Sajikdan(a sort of national shrine in Korea) built at the time of foundation of Joseon was entrenched into Sajik Park going through Japanese colonial era and recently the efforts to restore it is in progress. The details of change in Sajikdan in terms of diachronic analysis are as follows: Firstly, the first period refers to one prior to Japanese colonial era from the first king (also named as "Taejo" in Korean) of the Joseon Dynasty, during which it secured and strengthened the presence as a place for performing important national rites in a nation. It was built on the foot of Inwangsan Mt. at the time of the first king in Joseon Dynasty at first, was destroyed fully by fire during a Japanese Invasion period to Korea(1592-98) and afterward its ancestral ritual facilities were completed under the regime of Youngjo. However, as Japanese intervention coming to the fore, its place was destroyed and then ancestral rites were also abolished in 1908. Secondly, next period falls on 1910 to 1944 when it was transformed and entrenched into a park by the Japanese Empire. While facilities related to a park and an heterogeneous building around the part of boundary were set up, the area of altar, a ritual house and d door of Sajikdan were also designated as historical remains and treasures. Thirdly, this period refers to one from Korea's liberation year from Japanese colony(1945) to the year of 1984 when it had a mixed placeness with the statues, monuments and buildings with heterogeneous nature built. Furthermore, a door of Sajikdan was removed and reconstructed over twice due to opening of Sajik Tunnel. Fourthly, a final period falls on 1985 to the present when efforts are in progress to restore the historicity and symbolism of Sajikdan. A plan for restoration is promoted but now is a difficult time suffering from troubles caused by residents' resistance. Scrutinized historical researches through excavation investigation and residents' understanding are required altogether for restoration of Sajikdan.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.94-103
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• 2002

To suggest basic research data for a plan raising naturalness of urban park forest, the structure of forest vegetation and bird community were analyzed in four urban parks of Gwangju city. And also, their relationships were discussed. Some of the structural characteristics in the two communities were closely related to each other. Species and individual densities of birds were relatively high in Songjong and Sangmu park showing the vigorous successional progress, but were low in Anchong park with simple vegetation. The bird group that nest and feed in canopy or dead wood held occupy the highest percent in Sajik park with well developed upper layer of forest, the bird group that nest and feed in shrub did in Sangmu park with developed middle layer, and the bird group that feed in ground did in Songjong park with developed low layer. Relationship between the species diversities of forest and birds was not significant. Nevertheless, bird diversity was relatively high in Sajik and Sangmu park with the high proportion of broad-leaved trees in upper and middle layers.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.231-262
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• 2016

The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.23-37
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• 1990

In order to disclose the contamination of the Mushim-Cheon by pollutants in August and September of 1989 and to establish countermeasures, the collected water samples were analyzed to obtain the following results : 1. The water temperature of the period ranged from 25.8 to $30.8^{\circ}C$ acceptable for the growth of microorganisms and algae to allow the self-purification of the stream. 2. The pHs at the sites during the same period ranged from 6.5 to 8.5 which fall within the allowed values for the first grade water supplies except for site 14. 3. At site 18 which is the confluence of the sewer of the excretion disposal facilities and the main stream, the DO was observed to fall down to 0.7 ppm in September. 4. The BOD value reached a maximum of 62.1 ppm at site 18, which far exceeded the limit of 40 ppm, the allowed value for the discharges from the disposal facilities. In addition, the SS values were 200 and 520 ppm in August and September, respectively, which were three to seven times as high as the allowed limit of 70 ppm. 5. The high $NH_3-N$ value of 46.2 ppm at site 18 in September suggested that the water was heavily contaminated with excretions. 6. The BOD load of the sewage from site 12, the Sajik-Dong Sewer, in September was estimated to be about 0.306 ton/day. 7. The contamination of the influents, the family wastewater, and the discharges from the disposal facilities was greater than that of the main stream. 8. In the samples collected from site 12, the Sajik-Dong sewer at an interval of every two hours, a close correlation was observed between the pollutant load and the life cycle of the nearby inhabitants. 9. Compared with the results obtained from the water samples in 1979, it was observed that the water was heavily contaminated at site 12 (the Sajik-Dong Sewer, under the Chung Ju Great Bridge) and site 15 (Under the 2nd Uncheon Bridge) over the last 10 years, with little difference at site 9(Young Un-Dong water supply source).