• Title/Summary/Keyword: Royal palace

Search Result 224, Processing Time 0.028 seconds

A Study on the Heaven-Shaped Patterns of the Ceremonial Flags (의장기(儀仗旗)에 있어서의 천상(天象)의 의미(意味) 고찰(考察))

  • Baik, Young-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
    • /
    • v.5
    • /
    • pp.141-152
    • /
    • 1981
  • Various ceremonial flags were of great importance to the rulers who wished to have the absolute authorities for governing the people. Perhaps nothing indicated the ideas, thoughts and symbols of a certain period and people than the ceremonial flags. The ceremonial flags used in the old China and Korea took the shapes of the heaven and the earth, representing the social backgrounds and thoughts. This study was limited only to the discussion of the heaven-shaped patterns of the ceremonial flags. The 28 constellations of the heaven, in the Oriental way of thinking, were considered to express the immortal powers of Providence and the political domination of the earth. Hence the Polaris, the center of the heaven, symbolized the whole family of king, prince, child born of a concubine and royal harem. Among the constellation pictures were those of Han period, wall painting of old tombs in Koguryeo kingdom and old Japanese kingdom. Referring to the Emperor's ceremonial flags in Daemyeongjibyei, symbolic meanings changed historically and the complete systems of the ceremonial flags were established in Song period when the divine person was drawn on the flags. Animals concerned properly with the particular star and the shapes of the star were both drawn on the flags in Won period and only the shapes of the particular star in Myeong period. In the Imperial enthronement of Kojong the ceremonial flags might be made by the examples of those of Myeong period and remains are now found at Changdeok Palace, which need a further study because the references in detail are not available.

  • PDF

The Concepts of the Landscape : An Interpretation of related Chinese Characters (경'과 관련 술어의 개념에 관한 고찰 : 관련된 한자어의 해석을 중 심으로)

  • 황기원
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.22 no.4
    • /
    • pp.23-36
    • /
    • 1995
  • This study aims at scrutinizing the etymological meanings and literal usages of the term Gyung perse so as to clarify the traditional concepts formualted in the northeastern Asian countries. Related classical dictionaries and literatures in Korea and China were consulted intensively. Strictly speaking, the compound word gyung-gwan(景觀) composed of gyung(景:seen objects) and gwan(觀:seeing) in terms of word formation is not the synonym of the English term Landscpe. The Chinese character Gyung(景) composed of the character il(日:the Sun) and the character gyung(京:royal palace or capital city) originally indicated a brilliant and beautiful view of the capital city seen in a clear and bright daylight. Thereafter this ideographic letter had been used to indicate an unusual view which is aesthetically and can be used as a typical landscape schema or a model. Due to intrinsic nature of this kind of view, the meanings of gyung had been extended connotativelly as well as denotativelly: the meaning worthy of note in terms of landscape studies ar l) visible object which places some physical and psychological distance from the observer; 2)the scene or the backdrop of a theater, 3)a defined vista. With these in mind, meanings and usages of related terms as Kwung(光:light or bright), Pung(風:wind or fresh). Chi(致:fine), Mul(物:object or world), Gae (槪:general), Seung(勝:outstanding or surpassing), Saek(色:color or colorful), which had produced diversified and delicate connotations through compounding with the etymon Gyung, were reviewed.

  • PDF

The Abuse and Invention of Tradition from Maintenance Process of Historic Site No.135 Buyeo Gungnamji Pond (사적 제135호 부여 궁남지의 정비과정으로 살펴본 전통의 남용과 발명)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.35 no.2
    • /
    • pp.26-44
    • /
    • 2017
  • Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

Symbolism of the Plants Depicted in the Flower Wall of Jagyeongjeon at Gyeongbokgung (경복궁 자경전 꽃담에 나타난 화훼식물과 상징성)

  • Kwon, Min-Hyeong;Song, In-Jung;Pak, Chun-Ho
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
    • /
    • v.46 no.2
    • /
    • pp.75-82
    • /
    • 2012
  • This is a study on the flower pattern artwork of the west wall of the Jagyeongjeon in Gyeongbokgung to find out the type of plants and flowers represented and their symbolism. The research was conducted from July 2010 to March 2011 and the artwork classified on the basis of its horticultural traits. A number was assigned to each pattern for analysis: No. 1 is Prunus mume, No. 2 is Prunus persica, No. 3 is Paeonia suffruticosa, No. 4 is Punica granatum, No. 5 and 6 is Dendranthema grandiflora, No. 7 is Rhododendron mucronu and No. 8 is Phyllostachys bambusoides. These 8 flower patterns symbolize longevity and fecundity and their presense around the Jagyeongjeon helped to bestow good fortune on the royal family so that they might live long lives and bear many children. 4 artworks symbolize longevity, 2 artworks symbolize integrity and 1 artwork symbolizes wealth and happiness. There is also symbolism of the need to have constancy in a royal household even during secular change. Out of the 8 artworks, the imagery of a bird and a moon is represented only once, but the image of a butterfly is represented five times in the surrounding elements. The bird and butterfly symbolise freedom and happiness from free love. Women in the palace are like a butterfly wanted to be like love as a freedom and have a free and open relationship like a butterfly. But a harmonious relationship between the royal family wanted to have a symbolic meaning that could be seen of the symbolistic. Based on the "Yangwhasorok"only plants with the highest values, from the 1st and 2nd grades, were used in the artwork of the west wall of the Jagyeongjeon.

A Study on the Location and Spatial Organization Characteristics of the Royal Tombs Uireung (의릉(懿陵) 일원(一圓)의 입지(立地)와 공간구성특성(空間構成特性)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Choi, Jong Hee;Kim, Heung Nyeon;Lee, Won;Eom, Tae Geon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.43 no.1
    • /
    • pp.212-235
    • /
    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of the location and the spatial composition of Uireung that is located in Seokgwan-dong, Seongbuk-gu, Seoul, in order to understand the landscape architectural characteristics. The results are as follows. First, Uireung is 6.4km from Changdeokgung Palace and 5.5km from Heunginjimun Gate. It did not violate the distance standard (40km) for the royal tombs according to Joseon Dynasty Neung-won Myo-je. Second, Uireung is in harmony with the nature and shows the authoritative characteristics of the royal authority through the spatial composition and rank(Entrance Area, Ceremonial Area, Burial Area). Third, there are burial mound, stone sheep, stone tiger, stone table, stone watch pillars in the upper platform, and stone civil official, stone horse, stone lantern in the middle platform, and stone military official, stone horse in the lower platform, and T-shape shrine, worship road in the ceremonial area. There is no pond and a tomb keeper residence, but the position, size, and form can be approximated through historical research materials. There are a colony of pine trees around the burial mound and 64 species of trees such as pine tree, zelcova tree, and fir tree below the burial mound.

A Literature Review of on the Abalone in the Royal Palace of Joseon Dynasty (조선왕조 궁중음식(宮中飮食) 중 전복(全鰒)의 문헌적 고찰)

  • Soonduk Oh;Sookyoung Lee
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
    • /
    • v.10 no.5
    • /
    • pp.523-536
    • /
    • 2024
  • This article examines the types of abalone as recorded in 17 royal protocols studies of the Joseon dynasty (1392-1909). The types of abalone food during the Joseon dynasty appeared. The frequency of the Abalone types during the Joseon dynasty in order were; 'Tang with abalone' 37.4%, 'abalone-stir-fried(炒)' 12.8%, 'raw-abalone(膾)' & 'hwayangjeok with abalone' each 9.9%, 'abalone-sever(折)' 8.8%, 'steamed-abalone(蒸)' 7.0%, the other abalone food 6.2%, 'abaloneripening(熟)' 4.4%, 'echae(魚采)' 3.6%. In Jeonbokcho(全鰒炒), abalone and beef were generally used. In the stirfried(炒), raw(膾), hwayangjeok(花陽炙), steamed(蒸), ripening(熟), jeotgal(醢) and dumplings(饅頭) containing raw-abalone(生鰒), raw-abalone(生鰒) was used, and in other cases, abalone(全鰒) was used. This study, based on years of research on Euigwe, emphasizes the academic value of the author's new role and research outcomes. We anticipate that these findings will contribute to product development and the systematic establishment of Korean food culture.

Sovereignty and Wine Vessels: The Feast Culture of the Goryeo Court and the Symbolic Meaning of Celadon Wine Vessels (고려 왕실의 연례 문화와 청자 주기(酒器)의 상징적 의미: 왕권과 주기(酒器))

  • Kim Yun-jeong
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.104
    • /
    • pp.40-69
    • /
    • 2023
  • This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

  • PDF

The Actual State and Transformation of Major Garden Ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace during the Modern and Contemporary Period (근현대기 창덕궁 내 주요 점경물의 실상과 변형)

  • Oh, Jun-Young;Lee, Jae-Yong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.39 no.1
    • /
    • pp.10-19
    • /
    • 2021
  • This study investigated the actual state and transformation of the major garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮) in the modern and contemporary period, focusing on Nakseonjae(樂善齋), Juhamnu(宙合樓), Jondeokjeong(尊德亭), and Daebodanji (大報壇址). This study can be used as useful data for establishing the restoration and maintenance plan of the garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace, and the main results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, according to a photo taken by the Czech Vráz, in 1901, a total of six garden ornaments, including a stone pond and odd-shaped stones, were located in the backyard of Nakseonjae. Since liberation, arbitrary relocation of garden ornaments has frequently occurred, and in the process, two odd-shaped stones, originally located on the first floor of the terraced flower bed, have been transferred to the backyard of Gyeonghungak(景薰閣). Second, unlike the late Joseon Dynasty when 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 was produced, odd-shaped stones were arranged symmetrically in the backyard of Juhamnu in the early 1900s. It was a traditional style garden ornament with similar appearance, size, and design. However, all the odd-shaped stones in the backyard of Juhaumnu were relocated to other places in the 1970s and 1980s. One is located at the rear of Aeryeonjeong(愛蓮亭) through the entrance of Bingcheon(氷泉) and the vicinity of Geumcheongyo(錦川橋), and the other remains in front of the Yeongyeongdang Jangnakmun(演慶堂 長樂門). Third, among the garden ornaments located in the area of Jondeokjeong in the past, one odd-shaped stone is now relocated around the stone bridge near the pavilion and the Yeonghwadang(暎花堂) with its components separated. The bondstone near Yeonghwadang was relocated in 1990 for the purpose of installing an imitation of Angbuilgu(仰釜日晷). Another odd-shaped stone has been relocated to the front door of the Secret Garden(後苑), and now it is difficult to grasp the location. Fourth, the two bondstones remaining in the Daebodanji were actually building materials that were used as the foundation stone for the entrance pillars of the Yi Royal Office Building(李王職廳舍) during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, the Yi Royal Office Building was reorganized into Imperial Estate Administration Office(皇室財産事務總局), and when the office building was burned down in 1960, the stone statues and foundation stones placed on the stylobate were relocated to the Daebodanji. The bondstone at Daebodanji is a representative example of construction materiasl being mistaken for gaeden ornaments.

Historical Review on the Security Service for the Royal Household in the "Goryeo" Era (고려시대 왕실호위제도의 사적 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin;Kim, Eui-Young;Lee, Jong-Hwan
    • Korean Security Journal
    • /
    • no.14
    • /
    • pp.413-429
    • /
    • 2007
  • The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

  • PDF

A Study on the Forming and the Transformations of Seokjojeon Garden in Deoksugung (덕수궁 석조전 정원의 조성과 변천)

  • Kim, Hai-Gyoung;Oh, Kyusung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.33 no.3
    • /
    • pp.16-37
    • /
    • 2015
  • As a result of analyzing the forming and the transformations of Seokjojeon Hall garden by linking it to the changes of Deoksugung Palace influenced by the social atmosphere, the Seokjojeon garden can be classified into four phases. The first phase starts from 1896 to 1914. Gyeongungung was built in the late 19th century(1896-1897) as an official palace and Junghwajeon Hall and Seokjojeon Hall was built for Gojong. J.M.Brown was in charge of the construction of Seokjojeon in the beginning but H.W.Davidson saw the end also set up the garden. In the process of forming the garden the incorporating of Dondeokjeon Hall and the demolishing of the west wing corridors of Junghwajeon Hall occurred. At this phase of the garden a statue of an eagle was put up in the garden but was soon taken down. The shape of the garden was quiet simple with a central axial pathway, a round assorted flower bed placed in front of Seokjojeon Hall. The second phase starts from 1915 to 1932 which lasted for 17 years. At the last years of the Great Han Empire the duties of Gungnaebu(宮內府) was transferred to Leewangjik(李王職) in 1911 and a research on the existing buildings was done by Jujeonkwa(主殿課) in 1915. According to the research drawings, the garden still maintained the axial pathway formed in the previous phase but the garden had an asymmetric form. The flower bed was formed in a round shape and an open-knot technique and boundary plantation was applied to the garden. The third phase starts from 1933 to 1937 and is the period when Seokjojeon Hall was made public. By the year of 1932 many buildings of Deoksugung Palace had been demolished in the preparation of the opening of Seokjojeon Hall as a permanent exhibition hall. The central axial pathway still remained in the new garden and added a pond with a turtle statue in the center. The fourth phase starts from 1938 until the liberation from Japan and is the period when Deoksugung Palace became a park. Yi Royal-Family Museum was built and linked to Seokjojeon Hall with a bridge and the garden transformed into a sunken garden. The garden adopted a fountain and a pagora. Despite the minor changes in the after years the garden still posses most of its form from the fourth phase. As we can see the current garden of Seokjojeon Hall is not the same as the initial garden and therefor the importance of this study lies in the fact that modifications to the statements regarding to Seokjojeon Hall garden should be made.