• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.5
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• pp.83-101
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• 1981

This study is to research and analyse the Musicians' Costumes in Yi dynasty. Each costume for the musicians was, at that time, different in its design and style in accordance with what class the musicians were belonging to and what ceremony they were playing for, and the form and substance of them were changed according to the ages. In the early of Yi dynasty, the musicians wore their costumes imitated from the Song dynasty's. Especially in the 13th year of King Sae-Jong(1431), they divided the costumes into A-ag-Seo Jeon-ag Gwan-bog(雅樂署 典樂冠服) and Jeon-ag-Seo Gwan-bog(典樂署冠服). Meanwhile the musicians had to put on their different kinds of costumes according to the sorts of ceremonies they were playing for since January of the 16th year of king Sae-Jong(1434). It is widely known that confucianism was made a national policy in Yi dynasty. Compared the musicians' costumes for sacrificial rituals, however, with those for every kind of ceremony, one was simpler and shabbier without any strictly established forms than the other. At the same time, the musicians' costumes for ceremonies were, instead, designed in more gorgeous forms; it means that the sacrificial ritual was very lightly dealt at that time. It is very difficult to define, by standard pictures the whole style and form of the musicians' costumes in Yi dynasty in this study. Since we haven't shown any examples of the costumes, this attempt will be keepful.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.143-153
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• 2008

Recently has there been a great increase of the interests in the excavation of governing institutions and their restoration. There also arise discussions on whether the municipal governments should appoint old governing institutions as the historical spots. In the course of the excavation and restoration of old governing institutions, their practical use becomes a matter of concern. So the reproduction of the past ritual ceremonies and events in the governing institutions attracts considerable attention. But the discovery and the analysis of historical materials are very insufficient to meet the recent increase of such demand. In that point of view, this study aims to analyze the ceremony of Kwanchalsa's(觀察使; a provincial governor) arrival at one's post and the use of governing institutions for it and to examine the Kwanchalsa's route of sulryeok(巡歷) and the ritual ceremonies held in the cities he visited. The Chungcheong-Gamsa(忠淸監司; the governor of Chungcheong-Do) in the 18th century is the subject of this analysis and three local officials' diaries - Chungcheong Gamyeong Ilgi ($\ulcorner$忠淸監營日記$\lrcorner$), Hoseo Gamyeong Ilgi ($\ulcorner$湖西監營日記$\lrcorner$), Geumyeong Ilgi($\ulcorner$錦營日記$\lrcorner$) - are closely investigated for that purpose.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.241-260
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• 1998

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.25-39
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to look into dressing practices at the Woinarodo region in terms of ordinary and ritual clothes. Men wore Bqji(trousers) and Jeokori(jackets) as their plain clothes and sometimes Jangsam mid Durumaki(topcoat). During the period of Japanese colony, men wore Western-style clothes. For women it was basic to wear Chima(skirts) and Jeokori. And they preferred Momppe rather when in Japanese rule. In arrangements for their head, men put on gut, and had their hair cut during Japanese nile. Women laid a bundle of their braided hairs on the head or braided their hair, while married women did their hair up in a chignon during the ruling period People of the region put on straw and leather shoes, and then rubber ones since the late 1930s. Hand weaving was a major means of living for women at the region. Ramie, hemp and cotton were mainly weaved by hand. Starching was applied mainly to ramie and cotton. Glues for starching were made of raw rices, cooked rices, wheat flour or gloiopeltis tenax. For ritual clothes, especially in wedding, bridegrooms arranged themselves with Samokwandae and then Put on Baji, Jeokori, Durumaki and Danryung. But they Put on Western-style dresses as the liners of Danryung, and wear Nambawi Rather than the Samo after korean independence from Japanese rule. Bridges wore Chima, Jeokori and Wonsam and Chokdoori and covered their face with Hansam Wonsam did not be worn any longer after Korean independence from the rule. Shrouds for funeral ceremony were manufactured with silks, cotton and hemp, when the chief mourner wore hempen hoods and funeral robes, while women, Chima, made of hemp. and any type of Jeokori.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.151-173
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• 1991

A review of the royal banquet rituals which were excuted twice a day for consecutive three days for master were found to be progressed; 1st day for Queen Mother, 2nd day for King, 3rd day for Crown Prince very orderly. And performing dozens of dances and musics at each intervals of this procedure. The Sequence of rituals were summarized as follows. 1. Entering by order of low in rance. 2. Opening a ceremony. 3. Setting napkins, spoons and chopsticks and sumptuous table for master. 4. Offering flowers to master and then granting that flowers to subjects 5. Singing a open song. 6. Setting wine/side dishes for master and complimenting master's achievement/wellness. 7. Bowing politely three times and giving cheers. 8. Distributing wine/dishes to high ranked subjects. 9. Offering special dishes for master. 10. Distributing wine to low ranked subjects. 11. Singing a closing song. 12. Taking away tables. 13. Closing a banquet and leaving the hall.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.119-131
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• 2017

Typical weathering landforms and phenomena including tafoni and gnamma are usually interpreted as man-made alteo (praying water bowl) or dragon-alteo by folklore researchers. Despite some terminological ambiguity, they are certainly natural weathering pits and are introduced in our discipline for fifty years, however, unfortunately most of them are interpreted as petroglyphs used and prepared for ritual ceremony. Several seemingly artificially-made rock holes are also found in many places, but most of them are weathered landforms by salt weathering. Author believes that communication effort to use common language and publish more researches in interdisciplinary journals are very essential to propagate scientific achievements made by geomorphologists to other discipline. Also geomorphologists specialized in weathering processes are encouraged to participate in preservation of stone artifacts and archaeological remains.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.111-120
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• 2012

Indonesia has a wealth of traditional textiles that are spread in every corner of its region, each of them has its own characteristics and uniquennes. Among the diversity of decorative and techniques used, there are also peculiarities arising from the coloring techniques, that is staining with natural dyes. The existence and the authenticity of the coloring techniques are still retained in some places in Indonesia until today. Generally, these societies make the fabric-making process as part of the ritual beliefs. One of which are the societies in Tenganan, Bali, an area in Bali which always use fabric as an important part in every traditional ceremony. The fabrics is known by the name Geringsing. The typically color which shown and also the sacred values that accompany make Geringsing a very special woven fabric and cannot be found in other areas. This is one of the local geniuses that need to be preserved. In addition to its unique techniques and special materials, Geringsing woven also keeps its myth and its philosophy. The emersion of Geringsing woven closely related to the community trust in God Indra as the main protector deity. The necessary initial process of making Geringsing is holding special ceremony attended by various circles of Tenganan village society. People in Tenganan believe that Geringsing is a precious heritage avoiding all diseases and disorders of evil spirits.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 2016

This research intended to conduct literary research on 'Jeok' of 25 jong-ga through Jong-ga Ancestral Ritual Formalities and Food, published by the Cultural Heritage National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage during 2003~2008, and compared and analyzed an arranging method and recipe transmission process by directly visiting four Jong-ga. Religious ceremony foods of Jong-ga could be divided according to the standard of the hakpa attribute (large), regional attribute (midium), and family attribute (small), which forms a complex connection structure between the attributes. 'Jeok' arranging form is divided into '3-Jeok building method (vertical structure)', '3-Jeok arrangement method (horizontal structure)', '3-Jeok replacement method', '2-Jeok arrangement method', 'Jeon-Jeok arrangement method', and 'Others-Jeok arrangement method'. Generally, 'jeok' arrangement order per hakpa is in the order of 'meat jeok - chicken jeok - fish jeok' in case of Gihohakpa, whereas Yeongnamhakpa is in the order of 'fish jeok - meat jeok - chicken jeok'. Umoringye (羽毛鱗介), the method of laying 'dojeok' of the Gyeongbuk region, could be found in the 2nd century B.C. Chinese ancient book Hoenamja and the theoretical background was Yin and yang philosophy (陰陽論). This research has significance in terms of securing advanced results compared to advanced research that has so far concentrated on some regions and hakpas.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.309-318
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• 2004

To investigate of the utilization and awareness on the traditional foods of university students in Daejeon, 104 male students(26.8%) and 282 female students(73.2%) were surveyed by the questionnaire. The traditional foods surveyed were Korean sauce, rice cake, Korean cookies, Korean soft drinks, kimchi and ritual foods. Among respondents, 56.5% answered that they had made Korean sauce at home, and 66.2% replied the reason why was because home made Korean sauce had much better tastes than other instant Korean sauces. 40.1% of the respondents answered that they would made Korean sauce at home after getting married. 61.2% of respondents answered that they liked the rice cakes and there was a significant difference between sex(P＜0.001). Most respondents(50.7%) ate the rice cakes at traditional holidays. They liked Injulmi the most(28.4%) and there was a significant difference between sex(P＜0.001)； males liked Injeolmi better and females Patsirooduk. 47.4% of respondents liked the Korean cookies and 68.3% of them replied that the reason was because they were tasty. 71.1% of respondents ate Korean cookies at traditional holidays. 53.93% of respondents ate Korean soft drinks at traditional holidays and 68.1% of them made them at home. 81.3% of respondents said that they would make Kimchi at home instead of buying at market after they married； 65.2% of them answered the reason why was because home-made ones were tastier. For ritual foods for traditional ceremony, 52.2% of respondents said they would not use order and delivery service, and if they would use them, 60.5% respondents said because it might be convenient because it took much time to prepare. There were no significant differences between sex distinctions.