• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.29-52
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• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.137-166
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• 2009

Prior studies on Nam-myoung characteristics used to focus on practical confucianism of "Kyeong Eui (Respect and righteousness)" ideology. However, in the strict sense, what are the elements that can define Nam-myoung as a historical figure and as he has been in his time and after his death? Is it his philosophy established and derived from respect and righteousness? For this, I have a quite different view. All of literatures about Nam-myoung from his and his posterity time consistently most highly valued the idea of "Entering the government service and live in seclusion" advocated by Nam-myoung who consistently refused to be assigned any post from the government. This study aims to look into his idea by examining his personality and to find out the basis of his idea implied through the examination. He discussed the practices of "Entering the government service and live in seclusion" of other historical and present figures of his time through critical examination on them. For setting the reference for determining the reasonability for their practice of such idea, Nam-myoung pointed out "foresight" for understanding "Gimi (shade)" of which "Gi" is the diverging point of good and evil. He understood if one puts aside self-interest and observes the law of nature, one would be a good and lucky man but if one includes self-interest in the law of nature one would be a wicked man. His view on anyone entering government service when the time is against the person to obtain the post or when the person is unable to fill the post satisfactorily, was that they are 'people with self-interest' and therefore their practice of entering the government service and living in seclusion is wrong.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.518-535
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• 2001

Nursing practices should be based on the understanding of human beings. In order to understand human beings, it is important to study the lifestyles and thoughts of people in their natural environment. In this sense, the cultural aspects of a society need to be studied for a culture-bound nursing service. Child care, which is an important element of nursing, is also strongly influenced by the culture of a society. Therefore, a cultural study is necessary to understand the child-rearing practices of any society. The major purpose of this dissertation is to provide basic foundations for developing a culture-based theory for nursing intervention through studying traditional cultural elements of child care in Korean society. The study examined child-rearing practices in a small village on Koje Island in the southern part of Korea. It utilized ethnographic methodologies including participatory observations and in-depth interviews. The study participants were 9 Korean mothers living on Koje Island. The average age was 52. The data were collected between July in 1998 and December in 1999. The average number of interviews per person was 7-8, and the duration of each interview was approximately 2 hours. The data were analyzed using the Spradley Analytical Method. The following 9 major child-rearing aspects of mothers on Koje Island were discovered as a result of the study: 1. Firstly, mothers on Koje Island were mostly concerned about the "Old Birth Goddess' Curse", especially during their child's early years. This concern was evidenced by their careful behavior when their child was very young and by their praying to the Old Birth Goddess not to be jealous of their babies. 2. Secondly, they wished their children to live a different and better life than themselves. It was represented by their strong motivation toward their children's education as well as their expectation for their children's success. In traditional Korean culture, Korean people think that the rise and fall of the household depend on their offsprings. Therefore, Korean mothers wish their children attain to a higher level of social status through education. 3. Third, mothers are concerned about their children's righteousness. Mothers on Koje island expect their children to live with discretion, justice, strength, respect, harmony, and to do their best in life. 4. Next was an 'anticipation of their children's happy marriage'. The attributes of this category were an 'anxiety about their children's married life', and 'an expectation of a good spouse for their children'. Because Korean people believe that only a son can continue the bloodline of a family, especially Korean mothers have a great concern of the possibility of their daughters not having a son after marriage. Also they have different expectations toward their daughter-in-laws than son-in-laws. 5. Korean mothers also derived their satisfaction from their son. It was characterized by 'excessive affection toward their son', 'dependency on their son', and 'being afraid of their married daughter having a girl like themselves'. Korean society has been a patriarchy. Therefore, a son is beloved as someone who will take care of his old parents, be in charge of ancestral rites, and provide a daughter-in-law who can conceive a son. 6. The sixth category concerned 'the differences in their expectations for their children'. The attributes in this category were 'different expectations depending on their children's gender', 'different expectations depending on their children's ability', and a 'great sympathy toward children with low abilities'. Korean mothers expect their son to become better than their daughter. 7. The seventh category was related to their 'roles in child-caring practices'. Traditionally a child was raised in an extended family system in Korea So it was not the sole duty of a mother to bring up the child. Korean mothers used to receive much help rasing children from their in-laws, and family members. On the other hand, many children grew up by themselves, because their mothers were very busy taking care of housework. Furthermore, many children also grew up in poverty. 8. Mothers also had issues related to 'conflicts in child rearing'. They were characterized by 'lack of understanding', 'rudeness of children', and 'giving vent to one's anger'. 9. Finally, mothers regretted not doing their best in child-rearing practices. It was characterized by a 'bitter feeling of repentance', 'feeling irritated', and 'feeling of unsatisfaction'.