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Estimation of Genetic Parameters for Growth Traits in Yorkshire (요크셔종의 산육형질에 대한 유전모수 추정)

  • Song, Kwang-Lim;Kim, Byeong-Woo;Roh, Seung-Hee;Sun, Du-Won;Kim, Hyo-Sun;Lee, Deuk-Hwan;Jeon, Jin-Tae;Lee, Jung-Gyu
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.41-52
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    • 2010
  • This study was conducted to estimate genetic parameters for growth traits using multivariate animal models in Yorkshire breed. For the study, 16,202 records for growth traits collected between the year 1999 and 2005 from Yorkshire pigs in K GGP were used. The effects of environmental factors such as sex, birth year, birth season, parity and birth weight group affected growth traits significantly (p<0.01). Birth weight tended to be positively correlated with average daily gain (ADG) and lean percent. But it seemed to affect age at 90 kg, average adjusted backfat thickness (BF), and eye muscle ares (EMA) negatively. For average pig suckling weight (ASW) and total weight at suckling (TWS), the higher birth weight is the better performance. But, in case of total number of born and number of suckling, the result was shown vice versa. Approximately 10~30% lower heritability estimates were obtained for growth traits by using the model that includes descriptions of common litter effects (CL) than by using the model that ignores those (NCL) for more accurate estimation of heritability. The estimates of heritabilities were 0.468, and 0.328 for ADG, 0.474 and 0.326 for age at 90 kg, 0.452, and 0.396 for BF, 0.240 and 0.200 for EMA and, 0.458, and 0.380 for lean percent in NCL and CL, respectively. Therefore, in order to estimate optimal genetic parameters, it could be inferred that the statistical model which considers litter effects must be applied.

Existential Consciousness and the Meaning of Characters in André Malraux's Literary Works (앙드레 말로의 문학작품에 나타난 등장인물의 실존의식과 존재의미)

  • Oh, Se-jung
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.47
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    • pp.191-216
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    • 2017
  • Among 20th century Western ideologies (Western civilization), existentialism is a spirit of the times to restore humanity as rationality and advanced technology have driven mankind to impoverishment and death, experiencing the First and Second World War, Great Depression, Fascism and the Spanish Civil War. In his literature, $Andr{\acute{e}}$ Malraux records his existential agony of how mankind lives and faces death by questioning the fateful life and death of characters. For Malraux's characters, the absurdity of existence related to the human identity means self-examination. Malraux explores existential consciousness and actions of characters in the presence of a concept known as death relative to terror, revolution, and adventure. Malraux deftly addresses the concept of death in his literary works, and it has being emphasized as a central subject for philosophical speculation. In Les $Conqu{\acute{e}}rants$(1928), La Voie Royale(1930), La Condition Humaine (1933), L'Espoir(1937), Malraux suggested a philosophical thesis of the meaning of life through characters in tragic situations, and sought out the consciousness of being and the existential meaning through how the characters control their fate. Malraux, in such a tragic perspective of the world, portrays humanity, affirmation of life, and characters' consciousness and actions in denying death. The agony of death triggers escapist behavior such as having unpredictable instinctual desires such as gambling or smoking opium, but these are desperate struggles to flee from frustration and related to the question of one's existence. What is always emphasized with respect to Malraux's existentialism is the tragic metaphysics of the inevitable destiny of the human condition eventually leading to the question of how humans ultimately confront death. But as characters unite in times of war, revolution and adventure in the novel, such cooperative actions symbolizes a keen sense of solidarity reflecting a camaraderie that transcends individualism. Fellowship among people who voluntarily gather for the common cause of philanthropy and restoring humanity is possible because of the underlying human greatness to sacrifice for such a noble cause. Therefore, Malraux's camaraderie includes the victory of existentialism in creating a world of humanism.

Epidemiology and Clinical Characteristics of Parainfluenza Virus Type 4 in Korean Children: a Single Center Study, 2015-2017 (소아에서 파라인플루엔자 바이러스 4형의 역학 및 임상 양상에 대한 단일기관 연구: 2015-2017)

  • Sohn, Young Joo;Choi, Youn Young;Yun, Ki Wook;Choi, Eun Hwa;Lee, Hoan Jong
    • Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.156-164
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    • 2018
  • Purpose: We aimed to identify the epidemiology and the clinical characteristics of human parainfluenza virus type 4 (HPIV-4) infection compared to HPIVs 1-3 infections in Korean children. Methods: We reviewed medical records of children with HPIV infection who visited Seoul National University Children's Hospital from 2015 to 2017. Detection of respiratory viruses was performed using real time-polymerase chain reaction (rt-PCR), which could differentiate HPIVs 1-4. Diagnosis was classified as a febrile illness, upper respiratory tract infection (URI), croup, bronchiolitis, or pneumonia. The epidemiology, demographic features, and clinical characteristics among HPIV types were compared. The clinical data were analyzed only for the previously healthy children. Results: Of the 472 children diagnosed with HPIV infection, 108 (22.9%) were previously healthy: 24 (22.2%), 19 (17.6%), 39 (36.1%), and 26 (24.1%) in HPIV types 1, 2, 3, and 4, respectively. The median age of children with HPIV-4 infection was 11 (0-195) months: the proportion of children aged < 2 years and 2 to < 5 years were 65.4% and 19.2%, respectively. Clinical diagnoses of HPIV-4 infection were bronchiolitis (38.5%), pneumonia (30.8%), and URI (30.8%). Croup was the most prevalent in HPIV-2 (21.1%) and none in HPIV-4 infection (P=0.026). Hospital admission rates among HPIV types were not significantly different (P>0.05). Conclusions: We observed seasonal peak of HPIV-4 infection in 2015 and 2017. HPIV-4 was a common respiratory pathogen causing lower respiratory tract infection in hospitalized children.

A Study on the Fabrication and Comparison of the Phantom for CT Dose Measurements Using 3D Printer (3D프린터를 이용한 CT 선량측정 팬텀 제작 및 비교에 관한 연구)

  • Yoon, Myeong-Seong;Kang, Seong-Hyeon;Hong, Soon-Min;Lee, Youngjin;Han, Dong-Koon
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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    • v.12 no.6
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    • pp.737-743
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    • 2018
  • Patient exposure dose exposure test, which is one of the items of accuracy control of Computed Tomography, conducts measurements every year based on the installation and operation of special medical equipment under Article 38 of the Medical Law, And keep records. The CT-Dose phantom used for dosimetry can accurately measure doses, but has the disadvantage of high price. Therefore, through this research, the existing CT - Dose phantom was similarly manufactured with a 3D printer and compared with the existing phantom to examine the usefulness. In order to produce the same phantom as the conventional CT-Dose phantom, a 3D printer of the FFF method is used by using a PLA filament, and in order to calculate the CTDIw value, Ion chambers were inserted into the central part and the central part, and measurements were made ten times each. Measurement results The CT-Dose phantom was measured at $30.44{\pm}0.31mGy$ in the periphery, $29.55{\pm}0.34mGy$ CTDIw value was measured at $30.14{\pm}0.30mGy$ in the center, and the phantom fabricated using the 3D printer was measured at the periphery $30.59{\pm}0.18mGy$, the central part was $29.01{\pm}0.04mGy$, and the CTDIw value was measured at $30.06{\pm}0.13mGy$. Analysis using the Mann - Whiteney U-test of the SPSS statistical program showed that there was a statistically significant difference in the result values in the central part, but statistically significant differences were observed between the peripheral part and CTDIw results I did not show. In conclusion, even in the CT-Dose phantom made with a 3D printer, we showed dose measurement performance like existing CT-Dose phantom and confirmed the possibility of low-cost phantom production using 3D printer through this research did it.

A Study of Local Festival for the China Hebeisheng (중국 하북성 마을제 연구 - 하북성조현범장이월이룡패회중룡신적여인(河北省趙縣范庄二月二龍牌會中龍神的與人) -)

  • Park, Kwang-Jun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.36
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    • pp.347-377
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    • 2003
  • China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

Prevalence and risk factors of peri-implantitis: A retrospective study (임플란트 주위염의 유병률 및 위험요소분석에 관한 후향적 연구)

  • Lee, Sae-Eun;Kim, Dae-Yeob;Lee, Jong-Bin;Pang, Eun-Kyoung
    • The Journal of Korean Academy of Prosthodontics
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    • v.57 no.1
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    • pp.8-17
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    • 2019
  • Purpose: The study analyzed the prevalence of peri-implantitis and factors which may have affected the disease. Materials and methods: This study based on medical records and radiographs of 422 patients (853 implant cases) who visited Ewha Womans University Mokdong Hospital Dental Center from January 1, 2012 to December 31, 2016. Generalized estimation equations (GEE) was utilized to determine the statistical relationship between peri-implantitis and each element, and the cumulative prevalence of peri-implantitis during the observation period was obtained by using the Kaplan Meier Method. Results: The prevalence rate of peri-implantitis at the patient level resulted in 7.3% (31 patients out of a total of 422 patients), and at the implant level 5.5% (47 implants out of a total of 853 implants). Sex, GBR, guided bone regeneration (GBR) and functional loading periods had statistical significance with the occurrence of peri-implantitis. Upon analysis of the cumulative prevalence of peri-implantitis in terms of implant follow-up period, the first case of peri-implantitis occurred at 9 months after the placement of an implant, and the prevalence of peri-implantitis showed a non-linear rise over time without a hint of a critical point. Conclusion: The prevalence of peri-implantitis at the patient level and the implant were 7.3% and 5.5%, respectively. Male, implant installed with GBR and longer Functional Loading Periods were related with the risk of peri-implantitis.

Buddhist Images in Myeongbujeon at Magoksa Temple in Gongju (공주 마곡사 명부전 불상 연구)

  • Choi, Sun-il
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.130-153
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    • 2020
  • Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

The Palaces Weoldae(月臺) structure, in the latter half period of Joseon, and related rituals (조선후기 궁궐의 전각(殿閣) 월대(月臺)와 의례 - <동궐도>와 <서궐도안>을 대상으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun-jin;Son, shin-young
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.67
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    • pp.379-418
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    • 2017
  • Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.

Characteristic of Personnel Organization and Facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung during Late Joseon (조선후기 경기감영의 인원 구성과 시설 특징)

  • YI, SUN HUI
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.185-217
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    • 2018
  • This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.

Musculoskeletal Injuries by Weapons in Korean Soldiers: Four-Year Follow-Up (총기 및 폭발물에 의한 군인의 근골격계 손상: 최근 4년간 분석)

  • Yang, Hanbual;Hwang, Il-Ung;Song, Daeguen;Moon, Gi Ho;Lee, Na Rae;Kim, Kyoung-Nam
    • Journal of the Korean Orthopaedic Association
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    • v.56 no.3
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    • pp.234-244
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: To date, studies of firearm and explosive injuries in the Korean military have been limited compared to its importance. To overcome this, this study examined the characteristics of musculoskeletal damages in soldiers who have suffered firearm and explosive injuries over the past four years. Materials and Methods: From January 2015 to July 2019, military forces who had suffered musculoskeletal injuries from firearms or explosive substances were included. The medical records and radiographs were reviewed retrospectively, and telephone surveys about Short Musculoskeletal Functional Assessment (SMFA) for this group were conducted. To compare the functional outcomes, statistical analysis was performed using a t-test for the types of weapons, and ANOVA for others. Results: Of the 61 patients treated for firearms and explosives injuries, 30 patients (49.2%) were included after undergoing orthopedic treatment due to musculoskeletal injury. The average age at injury was 26.4 years old (21-52 years old). The number of officers and soldiers was similar. Eleven were injured by gunshot and 19 by an explosive device. Sixteen were treated in the Armed Forces Capital Hospital and 10 at private hospitals. More than half of the 16 patients (53.3%) with a fracture had multiple fractures. The most common injury site was the hand (33.3%), followed by the lower leg (30.0%). There were 14 patients (46.7%) with Gustilo-Anderson classification 3B or higher who required a soft tissue reconstruction. Fifteen patients agreed to join the SMFA survey for the functional outcomes. Between officers and soldiers, officers had better scores in the Bother Index compared to soldiers (p=0.0045). Patients treated in the Armed Forces Capital Hospital had better scores in both the Dysfunction and Bother Index compared to private hospitals (p=0.0008, p=0.0149). Conclusion: This is the first study to analyze of weapons injuries in the Korean military. As a result of the study, the orthopedic burden was high in the treating patients with military weapon injuries. In addition, it is necessary to build a military trauma registry, including firearm and explosive injuries, for trauma treatment evaluation and development of military trauma system.