• 제목/요약/키워드: Qu Yuan

검색결과 27건 처리시간 0.02초

한국과 중국의 시의화(詩意畵) 읽기 - 텍스트의 해석을 중심으로 - (Reading Korean and Chinese Paintings Expressing the Ideas of Classical Literary Works - Focused on Interpretation of The Text)

  • 강경희
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제50호
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    • pp.261-294
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    • 2013
  • 본고는 중국 고전문학 작품을 원텍스트로 한 중국과 한국의 시의도(詩意圖)를 통해 문학작품이 그림 속에서 어떤 방식으로 구현되었는지, 또 그 그림들이 원텍스트를 어떤 방식으로 해석하고 있는지 살펴보는 작업으로 문학을 통해 그림을, 그림을 통해 다시 문학작품을 읽는 하나의 실험이다. 굴원(屈原)의 "어부사(漁父辭)", 도연명(陶淵明)의 "귀거래사(歸去來辭)"와 "도화원기병시(桃花源記幷詩)", 두보(杜甫)의 "음중팔선가(飮中八仙歌)", 소식(蘇軾)의 "적벽부(赤壁賦)", 구양수(歐陽脩)의 "추성부(秋聲賦)"와 이들을 화제(畵題)로 삼은 중국 및 한국의 시의도(詩意圖)를 대상으로 하여 중국과 조선에서 공유했던 중국 문학 작품이 각기 어떤 식으로 수용되고 향유되었는지 그 양상을 고찰하고, 이를 바탕으로 한국 시의도(詩意圖)의 특징을 귀납하였다. 그 결과 아래와 같은 사실을 도출하였다. 첫째, 중국에서 역사적으로 형성된 각 시의도(詩意圖)의 전형적인 양식들이 조선의 회화에도 모두 보이는 점을 통해 조선시대 화가들은 중국의 회화양식을 적극적으로 수용하면서 국제적인 감각을 잃지 않았다. 둘째, 중국 시의도의 전통을 계승하면서도 시각화된 이미지와 전달하려는 중심주제는 다양하게 변화하는 모습을 볼 수 있었고, 이러한 다양한 시도를 통해 중국의 전통에서는 볼 수 없었던 미감이 전해지기도 하고 새로운 양식이 창조되기도 하였다. 셋째, 위와 같은 결과를 통해 같은 문학작품에 대한 중국과 한국의 수용과 해석의 차이를 알 수 있었다.

정재(正齋) 남대년(南大秊)의 학문과 사상 (Jeongjae(正齋) Nam Dae-nyeon's(南大秊) Study and Thought)

  • 임옥균
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제53호
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    • pp.63-100
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    • 2017
  • 이 글에서는 정재 남대년(1887~1958)의 학문과 사상을 리기심성론에 관한 견해, 유교경전해석, 역대인물평으로 나누어 살펴보았다. 먼저 리기 심성론에 대한 정재의 견해를 살펴보면, 정재는 리무위(理無爲), 기유위(氣有爲)의 주장을 평생 견지하였다. 다음으로 스승 간재의 성사심제설(性師心弟說)에 대한 정재의 입장을 살펴보면, 그것이 공자와 맹자의 도통을 이은 것이라고 평가하면서도, 심의 주재성이라는 측면은 잘 드러내지 못한다고 생각했던 것으로 보인다. 마지막으로 심즉리설에 대해서는 비판적 입장을 견지하였다. 정재의 유교경전해석을 살펴보면, "논어"와 "맹자"를 중심으로 하여 사서에 대한 해석이 대부분을 차지하는데, 이는 사서를 중시했던 주자 이래의 성리학의 전통을 이은 것이라고 하겠다. 정재는 "논어"의 해석을 통해서는 인과 효의 중요성을 강조하였고, "맹자"의 해석을 통해서는 사단과 사덕의 관계를 정밀하게 규명하고, 사(士)로서의 자의식을 보여주었다. 또한 "대학"의 자기설(自欺說), "중용"의 계구설(戒懼說)을 분석하기도 하였다. 또한 정재는 그의 "정재집"에서 중국과 우리나라의 여러 인물에 대한 평가도 진행하였는데, 그 평가의 기준은 절의와 식견이었다. 정재는 굴원과 노중련의 충성과 절의를 높이 평가하였으며, 진덕수는 학문적으로 뛰어난 분이었지만 출처에는 문제가 있었다고 평가하였다. 청의 육롱기와 장리상을 비교하면서, 육롱기가 이적의 나라인 청나라에서 벼슬을 한 것은 절의를 저버린 것이었다고 평가하였다. 정재는 우리나라의 인물들에 대해서도 평가를 진행하였는데, 포은은 우리나라에서 리학을 연 분으로, 정암은 지치를 회복하려 한 분으로, 퇴계는 해외 주자의 적전(嫡傳)으로, 율곡은 내성외왕을 실천한 유학의 표준으로, 스승 간재는 당대의 진실한 학문을 지닌 분으로 평가하였다.

Staged Improvement in Awareness of Disease for Elderly Cancer Patients in Southern China

  • Li, Xing;Dong, Min;Wen, Jing-Yun;Wei, Li;Ma, Xiao-Kun;Xing, Yan-Fang;Deng, Yun;Chen, Zhan-Hong;Chen, Jie;Ruan, Dan-Yun;Lin, Ze-Xiao;Wang, Tian-Tian;Wu, Dong-Hao;Liu, Xu;Hu, Hai-Tao;Lin, Jia-Yu;Li, Zhuang-Hua;Liu, Yuan-Chao;Xia, Qing;Jia, Chang-Chang;Wu, Xiang-Yuan;Lin, Qu
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제16권15호
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    • pp.6311-6316
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    • 2015
  • Background: In mainland China, awareness of disease of elderly cancer patients largely relies on the patients' families. We developed a staged procedure to improve their awareness of disease. Materials and Methods: Participants were 224 elderly cancer patients from 9 leading hospitals across Southern China. A questionnaire was given to the oncologists in charge of each patient to evaluate the interaction between family and patients, patient awareness of their disease and participation in medical decision-making. After first cycles of treatment, increased information of disease was given to patients with cooperation of the family. Then patient awareness of their disease and participation in medical decision-making was documented. Results: Among the 224 cancer elderly patients, 26 (11.6%) made decisions by themselves and 125 (55.8%) delegated their rights of decision-making to their family. Subordinate family members tended to play a passive role in decision-making significantly. Patients participating more in medical decision-making tended to know more about their disease. However, in contrast to the awareness of disease, patient awareness of violation of medical recommendations was reversely associated with their participation in medical decision-making. Improvement in awareness of diagnosis, stages and prognosis was achieved in about 20% elderly cancer patients. About 5% participated more actively in medical decision-making. Conclusions: Chinese elderly cancer patient awareness of disease and participation in medical decision-making is limited and relies on their family status. The staged procedure we developed to improve patient awareness of disease proved effective.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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명대의가(明代醫家)들의 두통(頭痛)에 대한 인식변화에 관한 연구 (The Historical Study of Headache in Chinese Ming Dynasty)

  • 전덕봉;맹웅재;김남일
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제24권1호
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    • pp.43-56
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    • 2011
  • Everyone once in a life experience headaches as symptoms are very common. According to a study in a country of more than a week and as many as those who have experienced a headache amounts to 69.4%. In addition, the high reported prevalence of migraine in 30s for 80% of all migraine sufferers daily life interfere with work or was affected. In Western medicine, the cause of headaches is traction or deformation of pain induced tissue like scalp, subcutaneous tissue, muscle, fascia, extracranial arteriovenous, nerves, periosteum. But it turns out there are not cause why pain induced tissue is being tracted or deformated. Therefore, most of the western-therapy is mainly conducted with regimen for a temporary symptom reduction. Therefore, I examined how it has been developed in Chinese Ming Dynasty, the perception of headache, change in disease stage and an etiological cause. Oriental medicine in the treatment of headache is a more fundamental way to have an excellent treatment. The recognition of head in "素問($s{\grave{u}}$ $w{\grave{e}}n$)" and "靈樞($l{\acute{i}}ng$ $sh{\bar{u}}$)" began to appear in 'Soul-神($sh{\acute{e}}n$) dwelling place' and 'where to gather all the Yang-'諸陽之會($zh{\bar{u}}$ $y{\acute{a}}ng$ $zh{\bar{i}}$ $hu{\grave{i}}$)'. Also, head was recognized as '六腑($li{\grave{u}}f{\check{u}}$) 淸陽之氣($q{\bar{i}}ng$ $y{\acute{a}}ng$ $zh{\bar{i}}$ $q{\grave{i}}$) and 五臟($w{\check{u}}$ $z{\grave{a}}ng$) 精血($j{\bar{i}}ng$ $xu{\grave{e}}$) gathering place'. More specific structures such as the brain is considered a sea of marrow(髓海-$su{\check{i}}$ $h{\check{a}}i$) in "內經($n{\grave{e}}i$ $j{\bar{i}}ng$)" and came to recognized place where a stroke occurs. Accompanying development of the recognition about head, there had been changed about the perception of headache and the recognition of the cause and mechanism of headache. And the recognition of headache began to be completed in Ming Dynasty through Jin, Yuan Dynasty. Chinese Ming Dynasty, specially 樓英($l{\acute{o}}u$ $y{\bar{i}}ng$), in "醫學綱目($y{\bar{i}}xu{\acute{e}}$ $g{\bar{a}}ngm{\grave{u}}$)", first enumerated prescription in detail by separating postpartum headache. and proposed treatment of headache especially due to postpartum sepsis(敗血-$b{\grave{a}}i$ $xu{\grave{e}}$). 許浚($x{\check{u}}$ $j{\grave{u}}n$) accepted a variety of views without impartial opinion in explaining one kind of headache in "東醫寶鑑($d{\bar{o}}ng-y{\bar{i}}$ $b{\check{a}}oji{\grave{a}}n)$" 張景岳($zh{\bar{a}}ng$ $j{\check{i}}ng$ $yu{\grave{e}}$), in "景岳全書($j{\check{i}}ng$ $yu{\grave{e}}$ $qu{\acute{a}}nsh{\bar{u}}$)", established his own unique classification system-新舊表裏($x{\bar{i}}nji{\grave{u}}$ $bi{\check{a}}ol{\check{i}}$)-, and offered a clear way even in treatment. Acupuncture treatment of headache in the choice of meridian has been developed as a single acupuncture point. Using the classification of headache to come for future generation as a way of locating acupoints were developed. Chinese Ming Dynasty, there are special treatments like 導引按蹻法($d{\check{a}}o$ y ${\check{i}}n$ ${\grave{a}}n$ $ji{\check{a}}o$ $f{\check{a}}$), 搐鼻法($ch{\grave{u}}$ $b{\acute{i}}$ $f{\check{a}})$, 吐法($t{\check{u}}$ $f{\check{a}}$), 外貼法($w{\grave{a}}i$ $ti{\bar{e}}$ $f{\check{a}}$), 熨法($y{\grave{u}}n$ $f{\check{a}}$), 點眼法($di{\check{a}}n$ $y{\check{a}}n$ $f{\check{a}}$), 熏蒸法($x{\bar{u}}nzh{\bar{e}}ng$ $f{\check{a}}$), 香氣療法($xi{\bar{a}}ngq{\grave{i}}$ $li{\acute{a}}of{\check{a}}$). Most of this therapy in the treatment of headache, it is not used here, but if you use a good fit for today's environment can make a difference.

Establishing a Nomogram for Stage IA-IIB Cervical Cancer Patients after Complete Resection

  • Zhou, Hang;Li, Xiong;Zhang, Yuan;Jia, Yao;Hu, Ting;Yang, Ru;Huang, Ke-Cheng;Chen, Zhi-Lan;Wang, Shao-Shuai;Tang, Fang-Xu;Zhou, Jin;Chen, Yi-Le;Wu, Li;Han, Xiao-Bing;Lin, Zhong-Qiu;Lu, Xiao-Mei;Xing, Hui;Qu, Peng-Peng;Cai, Hong-Bing;Song, Xiao-Jie;Tian, Xiao-Yu;Zhang, Qing-Hua;Shen, Jian;Liu, Dan;Wang, Ze-Hua;Xu, Hong-Bing;Wang, Chang-Yu;Xi, Ling;Deng, Dong-Rui;Wang, Hui;Lv, Wei-Guo;Shen, Keng;Wang, Shi-Xuan;Xie, Xing;Cheng, Xiao-Dong;Ma, Ding;Li, Shuang
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제16권9호
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    • pp.3773-3777
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    • 2015
  • Background: This study aimed to establish a nomogram by combining clinicopathologic factors with overall survival of stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients after complete resection with pelvic lymphadenectomy. Materials and Methods: This nomogram was based on a retrospective study on 1,563 stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients who underwent complete resection and lymphadenectomy from 2002 to 2008. The nomogram was constructed based on multivariate analysis using Cox proportional hazard regression. The accuracy and discriminative ability of the nomogram were measured by concordance index (C-index) and calibration curve. Results: Multivariate analysis identified lymph node metastasis (LNM), lymph-vascular space invasion (LVSI), stromal invasion, parametrial invasion, tumor diameter and histology as independent prognostic factors associated with cervical cancer survival. These factors were selected for construction of the nomogram. The C-index of the nomogram was 0.71 (95% CI, 0.65 to 0.77), and calibration of the nomogram showed good agreement between the 5-year predicted survival and the actual observation. Conclusions: We developed a nomogram predicting 5-year overall survival of surgically treated stage IA-IIB cervical cancer patients. More comprehensive information that is provided by this nomogram could provide further insight into personalized therapy selection.