• 건축역사연구
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.109-128
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• 1997

When [Chosun gunchukdan (Korean Architects Group) has operated in just after Liberation, and analysis their magazine [Chosun gunchuk], they taken the middle the road position. But in spite of continuing the arcitetural operatuon in southern Korea after establishing government, they had the character of progressives in itself. Specially in term of architetural history, architecture and sociaty, problam of dwelling, they had progressives consideravely. And not point of left-right view, there had been the writings of the racial view consideravely. But as coming establishing government, there were disappeared the progressives gradually.

• 영어영문학
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• 제57권6호
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• pp.1067-1088
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• 2011

While there is a high degree of convergence in linguistics in the treatment of the progressive as an aspect, the English progressive is unusually wide in its range of uses. This paper highlights the distinction between aspectual and non-aspectual progressives. The primary function of the progressive is to present a situation as ongoing, and this strictly aspectual use of the progressive is referred to as 'aspectual progressive'. On the other hand, the uses of the English progressive that are not, in a strict sense, aspectual is called 'non-aspectual progressive'. There are at least three basic uses of non-aspectual progressives. The first is the so-called progressive futurate (e.g., John is leaving tomorrow). In English, the present progressive can be used to express future time reference. This use of the progressive is regarded as a non-aspectual one, on the grounds that its meaning cannot be accounted for in terms of ongoingness. The second use is the habitual progressive (e.g., She's smoking a lot these days). Given that the habitual is an aspect, it is natural that the habitual progressive is not an aspectual progressive because one cannot view a situation in two different ways. In addition, ongoingness is not a defining property of the habitual progressive but is only a contingent or subsidiary property. The real essence of the habitual progressive is habituality. The third use of non-aspectual progressives is the experiential or interpretative progressive (e.g., You're imagining things), whose main characteristic is the subjectivity of the speaker's interpretation. The experiential or interpretative progressive does not serve a primarily aspectual function because the meaning of ongoingness has nothing to do with the content of the utterance.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1997년도 7월 학술대회지
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• pp.81-91
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• 1997

This paper deals with the problems of English listening comprehension: the rate of understanding difference in positions and sentence structures, parts of speech easily missed to understand, English sounds only in English(not in Korean), confusion of sounds, unaccented prefixes and suffixes, polysemy, homonym, juncture, understanding as one word by two different words, and sound blending in a normal speed of connected speech. Bearing those in mind I taught Suwon University freshmen video English with the mixed idea of Peterson's bottom-up and top-down methods putting in a meaningful context with thought group rather than word to word understanding. As a consequence, their errors come: prepositions, conjunctions, unstressed prefixes and suffixes, -ing from the present progressives and so forth. Assignments to have students transcribe the TV commercials and the names of reporters or Korean related news from English broadcastings are of use and help.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.123-131
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to investigate the comprehension and production of various tense markings in Korean-speaking children with and without language delay. Thirty children with language delay(LD) and 30 typically developing(TD) children participated in the study. In each group, half were at the age of 4-years and the other half at 7-years. In both the comprehension and production task, 28 verbs containing four types of tense markings were used: past tense '-et ta', two present progressives '-ko itta', '-enta', and future tense '-elyeko hanta'. In the comprehension task, the children were presented with three printed still-scenes of video recording of a verb action, each representing future, present progressive, and past tense of the verb, respectively. Then they listened to the action verb with one of the 4 tense markings and had to pick the scene that matched the verb tense. In the production task, the children were given one of the three scenes and asked to produce the verb with appropriate tense marking. In both tasks, the LD children performed significantly worse than the TD children, and the older children performed significantly better than the younger children. Interestingly, the pattern of performances across different types of tense markings at the two language-age levels were closely similar in LD children and TD children. This similarity of groups seemed stronger in the comprehension task than the production task.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권5호
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• pp.174-186
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• 2022

본 연구는 기업 최고경영자가 흔히 사용하는 품질경영 메시지의 수사적 구조와 시청자 반응을 탐구한다. '삼성 회장 이건희 어록' 보도를 분석한 결과는 품질경영에 관한 수사적 구조를 제시한다. 이 구조에서 경영자는 "대외적 위기"라는 '수사적 상황(rhetorical situation)'에 대처하기 위해 "초일류 회사를 위한 품질경영"이라는 '설득적 주제'와 "혁신" "신상필벌"이라는 '실용적 수단'을 제시한다. 발언 영상을 본 대학생 308명의 반응을 다중회귀분석한 결과, 시청자가 보수적일수록, CEO의 매력과 전문성을 지각할수록, CEO의 품질경영 수사를 지지하는 편이었다. 서술형 답변에 따르면, 보수적 시청자는 품질경영 속 '앙트러프러너십(기업가정신)'에 호의적으로 반응하면서 도전과 혁신의 가치에 공감했다. 반면, 상당수 진보적 시청자는 "못하는 사람 누르고" 등 일부 표현을 문제 삼아 발언 전체에 반감을 보였고 평범한 노동자를 소외시키는 '한국형 신자유주의'의 일부로 CEO의 품질경영 레토릭을 인식했다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권34호
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.36-50
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• 2020

최근 '유튜브 저널리즘'이라는 말이 나올 정도로 유튜브를 통한 뉴스 소비가 전 세계적으로 증가하는 추세이다. 유튜브는 전통 뉴스 매체보다 보다 흥미롭고 깊이 있게 뉴스를 전달하므로 인기를 얻고 있지만, 정치적, 사회적 이슈를 가감 없이 전달하는 과정에서 허위정보, 즉 가짜뉴스가 생산, 유포되고 있다. 정치권에서는 허위정보를 근절하기 위한 법적 처벌이나 허위정보 확산에 책임질 수 있는 주체를 지정하는 등 규제가 필요하다며 적극적으로 법안을 발의하고 있다. 그러나 유튜브 뉴스 이용자를 배제한 채 유튜브에 대한 규제를 논의하는 것은 무의미하다. 이 연구는 유튜브 뉴스 이용자를 대상으로 설문조사를 진행하였고, 허위정보에 대한 이용자들의 경험과 인식, 그리고 유튜브 정보 규제에 대한 이용자들의 인식에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 살펴보았다. 연구결과, 진보집단보다 보수집단과 중도 집단이 허위정보에 더 많이 노출된 것으로 나타났으며, 20~50대보다 60대가 유튜브 내 허위정보 유통 정도를 낮게 평가했다. 유튜브 정보 규제에 대한 태도의 경우 표현의 자유를 중시할수록, TV조선의 뉴스를 신뢰할수록 유튜브 정보 규제에 반대하는 것으로 나타났다. 반면, 지상파, JTBC의 뉴스를 신뢰할수록, 뉴스관 중 "계몽"을 중시할수록 유튜브 정보 규제에 찬성하는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제32권8호
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• pp.1309-1321
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• 2008

Military style is not limited to a single period but represents various image communications related to items, synthetic images and different periodical culture backgrounds. The purpose of this study is to define the communicational function of the military style beginning from the 1st world war up to the modern days, and furthermore explain the characteristics and contents of military styles in different periods by studying the nowadays various symbols of the military style in denotative and connotative aspects. The research method is documentary studies through the literature and academic paper, and examined masters' and doctors' thesis, domestic and overseas books and fashion magazines, photographs and materials collected from the internet. As a result, first, the military style is a significant fashion code in understanding modern fashion by serving as a strong communication function representing people’s ritual through various image items called the 'military look'. Second, the meaning of the image communication through military look changed throughout the different periods. During the 1st and 2nd World war the military look supported Fascism by serving as a media representing extreme patriotism and at the same time social images like functionalism, women liberation, regulation and saving. During the cold war period it was used by young progressives like hippies and punks to send an opposing message towards war and commercialism. Since then up to the 80s it was a medium representing the ‘new role of women’, who possess same social rights and power as the men. However in the 90s the military style had to go through a paradigm transition period. Since this period it got affected by the post modernism and designers, consumers alike adopted military style to create unique beauty It can also be said that it began to be used as a pure fashion code representing intertextuality. It was rather expressed as a metonymy than a metaphor and combined with elegance and feminine factor, which contrasts to the original military concept, it now represents totally new hybrids such as difference, dissemination and varieties.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제40권
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• pp.249-286
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• 2007

본 연구는 우리나라 종합일간지의 사람면의 대표 인물에 대하여 신문사별 특성과 차이점을 알아보고자 했다. 특히 각 신문사의 이념적 성격에 따라 사람면을 통해 보도되고 있는 인물에 대한 직업, 기사유형, 가치관 그리고 인물에 대한 선택기준이 신문사별로 차이가 있는지에 주목했다. 이를 위해 보수적 일간지로 조선일보와 중앙일보, 그리고 진보적 일간지로 서울신문과 한겨레신문을 대상으로 사람면 가운데 인터뷰 박스기사 내용을 중심으로 내용 분석을 실시하였다. 분석 결과 인물에 대한 직업과 주제 면에서 보수신문과 진보신문은 서로 비슷한 경향을 보였다. 직업 면에서 두 신문 모두 문화계, 자영업, 교육자 연구자 직업을 가진 인물들의 보도 비율이 상대적으로 높았다. 주제 면에서 보수와 진보신문은 사회와 문화와 관련된 인물에 대한 소개 비율이 높은 것으로 드러났다. 그러나 인물기사 유형에서 보수신문이 진보신문보다 인물에 대한 홍보성 기사의 비율이 매우 높게 나타났다. 인물의 가치관에서도 보수신문은 사회에서의 경제적 성공을 목적으로 하는 '성공 출세 지향'형 인물에 더 무게를 두었으며, 진보신문은 자신보다 타인의 배려하는 '타인 지향'형 인물에 대한 보도 비율이 높은 것으로 나타났다. 마지막으로 인물기사 선택 면에서 보수신문은 홍보성과 저명성 인물에 초점을 맞추었고, 진보신문은 사회성과 저명성을 기준으로 한 인물 보도기사가 많은 것으로 나타났다.