• Journal of architectural history
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• v.6 no.3 s.13
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• pp.109-128
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• 1997

When [Chosun gunchukdan (Korean Architects Group) has operated in just after Liberation, and analysis their magazine [Chosun gunchuk], they taken the middle the road position. But in spite of continuing the arcitetural operatuon in southern Korea after establishing government, they had the character of progressives in itself. Specially in term of architetural history, architecture and sociaty, problam of dwelling, they had progressives consideravely. And not point of left-right view, there had been the writings of the racial view consideravely. But as coming establishing government, there were disappeared the progressives gradually.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.6
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• pp.1067-1088
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• 2011

While there is a high degree of convergence in linguistics in the treatment of the progressive as an aspect, the English progressive is unusually wide in its range of uses. This paper highlights the distinction between aspectual and non-aspectual progressives. The primary function of the progressive is to present a situation as ongoing, and this strictly aspectual use of the progressive is referred to as 'aspectual progressive'. On the other hand, the uses of the English progressive that are not, in a strict sense, aspectual is called 'non-aspectual progressive'. There are at least three basic uses of non-aspectual progressives. The first is the so-called progressive futurate (e.g., John is leaving tomorrow). In English, the present progressive can be used to express future time reference. This use of the progressive is regarded as a non-aspectual one, on the grounds that its meaning cannot be accounted for in terms of ongoingness. The second use is the habitual progressive (e.g., She's smoking a lot these days). Given that the habitual is an aspect, it is natural that the habitual progressive is not an aspectual progressive because one cannot view a situation in two different ways. In addition, ongoingness is not a defining property of the habitual progressive but is only a contingent or subsidiary property. The real essence of the habitual progressive is habituality. The third use of non-aspectual progressives is the experiential or interpretative progressive (e.g., You're imagining things), whose main characteristic is the subjectivity of the speaker's interpretation. The experiential or interpretative progressive does not serve a primarily aspectual function because the meaning of ongoingness has nothing to do with the content of the utterance.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 1997.07a
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• pp.81-91
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• 1997

This paper deals with the problems of English listening comprehension: the rate of understanding difference in positions and sentence structures, parts of speech easily missed to understand, English sounds only in English(not in Korean), confusion of sounds, unaccented prefixes and suffixes, polysemy, homonym, juncture, understanding as one word by two different words, and sound blending in a normal speed of connected speech. Bearing those in mind I taught Suwon University freshmen video English with the mixed idea of Peterson's bottom-up and top-down methods putting in a meaningful context with thought group rather than word to word understanding. As a consequence, their errors come: prepositions, conjunctions, unstressed prefixes and suffixes, -ing from the present progressives and so forth. Assignments to have students transcribe the TV commercials and the names of reporters or Korean related news from English broadcastings are of use and help.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.123-131
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to investigate the comprehension and production of various tense markings in Korean-speaking children with and without language delay. Thirty children with language delay(LD) and 30 typically developing(TD) children participated in the study. In each group, half were at the age of 4-years and the other half at 7-years. In both the comprehension and production task, 28 verbs containing four types of tense markings were used: past tense '-et ta', two present progressives '-ko itta', '-enta', and future tense '-elyeko hanta'. In the comprehension task, the children were presented with three printed still-scenes of video recording of a verb action, each representing future, present progressive, and past tense of the verb, respectively. Then they listened to the action verb with one of the 4 tense markings and had to pick the scene that matched the verb tense. In the production task, the children were given one of the three scenes and asked to produce the verb with appropriate tense marking. In both tasks, the LD children performed significantly worse than the TD children, and the older children performed significantly better than the younger children. Interestingly, the pattern of performances across different types of tense markings at the two language-age levels were closely similar in LD children and TD children. This similarity of groups seemed stronger in the comprehension task than the production task.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.174-186
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• 2022

The present study explores how the quality management rhetoric commonly used by Korean CEOs tends to be composed and perceived by the public. To this end, articles of the remarks of Lee Kun-hee, the second founder of Samsung, are analyzed. The results show a rhetorical structure of quality management where the CEO offers a persuasive theme (quality management for a super-class enterprise) and practical measures (innovation and performance-based promotion) while coping with a rhetorical situation (an economic crisis). A multiple regression analysis of the response of 308 Korean college students who watched a video of Lee's remarks indicates that the more conservative the viewers are and the more they perceive the CEO's charm and expertise, the more likely they are to support the CEO's quality management rhetoric. The conservative viewers favorably responded to the entrepreneurship in the quality management rhetoric, while the progressives recognized the rhetoric as part of Korean-style neoliberalism that alienates ordinary workers.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.36-50
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• 2020

YouTube as a news channel is gaining popularity because it offers more interesting and in-depth news than traditional news media. However, YouTube has been criticized for its distribution of false information (or fake news) in Korea. Politicians are actively proposing a variety of bills to regulate YouTube's false information and a lot of studies proposed how to regulate YouTube's false information. This study looked at the users' experience and perception of false information and identified factors that affected the regulation of YouTube news. The results showed that the conservatives and the moderate groups were exposed to false information more than the progressives, and those in their 60s believed that false information was distributed on YouTube rather those in their 20s to 50s. The more people value freedom of expression, the more people trust TV Chosun news, the more people tend to oppose the regulation of information on YouTube. On the other hand, it turns out that the more people trust the news on both terrestrial broadcasting networks and JTBC, and the more people value the enlightening aspects on the news, the more they approve of Youtube regulation.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.8
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• pp.1309-1321
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• 2008

Military style is not limited to a single period but represents various image communications related to items, synthetic images and different periodical culture backgrounds. The purpose of this study is to define the communicational function of the military style beginning from the 1st world war up to the modern days, and furthermore explain the characteristics and contents of military styles in different periods by studying the nowadays various symbols of the military style in denotative and connotative aspects. The research method is documentary studies through the literature and academic paper, and examined masters' and doctors' thesis, domestic and overseas books and fashion magazines, photographs and materials collected from the internet. As a result, first, the military style is a significant fashion code in understanding modern fashion by serving as a strong communication function representing people’s ritual through various image items called the 'military look'. Second, the meaning of the image communication through military look changed throughout the different periods. During the 1st and 2nd World war the military look supported Fascism by serving as a media representing extreme patriotism and at the same time social images like functionalism, women liberation, regulation and saving. During the cold war period it was used by young progressives like hippies and punks to send an opposing message towards war and commercialism. Since then up to the 80s it was a medium representing the ‘new role of women’, who possess same social rights and power as the men. However in the 90s the military style had to go through a paradigm transition period. Since this period it got affected by the post modernism and designers, consumers alike adopted military style to create unique beauty It can also be said that it began to be used as a pure fashion code representing intertextuality. It was rather expressed as a metonymy than a metaphor and combined with elegance and feminine factor, which contrasts to the original military concept, it now represents totally new hybrids such as difference, dissemination and varieties.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.249-286
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• 2007

This study examines the main characteristics and differences on people's page in selected four national dailies, such as Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun. Both Chosun Ilbo and Joongang Ilbo are categorized as the conservatives; while Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun as the progressive. This study has been done by applying methods of content analysis to reveal the differences in terms of people's occupations, types of reports, their philosophies, and standards of selecting people by the dailies for the people's pages. The results shows that the conservative newspapers are very similar to the progressive newspapers in terms of occupations and the types of reports, covering the people on people's pages. More specifically, both the conservative dailies and the progressive dailies report the people for whose jobs are related to both social and cultural works. However, the conservative newspapers have much more coverages than the progressive papers in terms of the publicity reporting on the people. The conservatives are also much more reports on the people who are eager to economic success than the progressive dailies; while the progressives papers have much coverages on those who are interesting in helping others than the conservatives papers. Finally, this study reveals that the conservative dailies mainly cover those who are in publicity activities and social elite groups, while the progressive newspapers are the social celebrities and persons of fame in society.