• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.143-154
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• 2013

This study reviewed reorganization of bureaucrats in the beginning of Lee Myung bak's government from the perspective of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats. In other words, it analyzed the reorganization of central office group of Korean government in 2008 as the relationship between calling to account by politicians and avoiding calling to account by bureaucrats. Conclusively, first, separation or abolition of a certain organization was resulted from calling to account by president (the ruling party). Second, merging organizations was done because president wanted strong control on that agency or he wanted to realize presidential election pledge (policy) through the agency. Third, if an organization was not changed even though it was selected as the target of abolition, it meant that the organization succeeded in defense. As seen from the above cases, it was found that politicians and bureaucrats played a kind of game for reorganization of government organizations. First of all, if politicians succeeded in calling to account, the bureaucratic organization was separated or abolished. If bureaucrats succeeded in self defense, the organization became expanded. Finally, if both parties were even, corresponding organizations would not have changes.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.11
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• pp.47-54
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to explore a difference in crisis between media and parties. This research examined political crisis situation, crisis response, and media coverage using a case. Two main political parties in Korean faced the illegal fund raising case during the 16th presidential election. They used types of crisis response strategies for restoring or maintaining their reputation. This study found that a party's crisis response was consistent with news media, but another party's message was significantly different from news media. Such match or mismatch between a party and news media will influence on public evaluation toward a crisis response. This study has meaningful contribution in that the difference between an organizational crisis response message and news media coverage is significant.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.3-25
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• 2022

The governance structure of public broadcasters is the hottest topic in domestic media policy. This study examines the flow of discussions by period by synthesizing the research literature on the governance structure of domestic public broadcasting since 2000. As a result, active discussion on the governance structure of public broadcasting was confirmed to have appeared following the conservative governments after 2008, derived from the "crisis theory of public broadcasting." In addition, the discussion was conducted centered on the public values of public broadcasting and direction of system improvement, political independence of public broadcasting, composition of the board of directors, and presidential election system. This study suggested that future discussions on the governance structure of public broadcasting should expand the existing discussion of political independence to encompass the values, responsibilities, and systems of public broadcasting that presuppose citizen participation.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.495-508
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• 2023

To compare whether broadcast fact-checking news, which aims to overcome the limitations of objective reporting, ensures fairness, we analyzed 227 fact-checked news stories aired on the main news of KBS, MBC SBS, TV Chosun, JTBC MBN, and YTN from January 1, 2022 to May 31, 2022, when the 20th presidential and local election campaigns were held. The analysis showed clear differences in fact-checking targets and narratives by broadcasters. In general, MBC, JTBC,and YTN were more likely to favor liberal parties such as the Democratic Party, while TV Chosun had a lot of narratives favoring the conservative camp. SBS and MBN were relatively neutral. KBS seemed to be trying to remain outwardly neutral. SBS and TV Chosun were the most active in fact-checking, but they covered a wide range of issues and were characterized by a bias toward contextualizing issues that viewers were curious about, rather than clarifying the facts. The projection of ideological bias by broadcasters in fact-checking narratives is a challenge that needs to be overcome.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.76-107
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• 2008

The present study has explored the effects of media use on the evaluation of the presidential candidate's morality. We hypothesized that the perception of the candidates' morality during the 2007 Korean President Election would be influenced by the amount of the different types of media use. Using a set of panel data, a total of 1,199 citizens (584 females (48.7%), 615 males (51.3%), Mage=42.77, SDage=13.34) were assessed four times from August to December in 2007. The results indicated that (a) the level of TV use for political information, the level of newspaper use for political information, and the level of Internet use for political information increased during the five months; (b) the initial level of political involvement contributed differently to the initial levels of media use; (c) the initial level of political involvement negative influenced the initial level of TV use for political information; (d) the growth of political involvement positively influenced the growth of TV use for political information; (e) the intial level of TV use for political information increased both the initial levels of the perception of candidates' morality and the change of the perception of candidates' morality; (f) the change of TV use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality; and (g) the initial level of Internet use for political information negatively affected the initial level of the perception of candidates' morality, and the change of Internet use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.161-171
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• 2014

This research aims to analyze the characteristics of the channel brand components, identities in accordance with the organizational strategies of the programmes, and brand structures of the comprehensive programming channels. The channels promote themselves mobilizing a variety of channel brand components and, ecxept Channel A, JTBC, TV Chosun, and MBN coined its names which are reminiscent of their parents corporations. The organizational strategies of the programmes are related with the channel identities. TV Chosun, for instance, branded themselves as 'conservative advocate' while focusing on news programs, and Channel A also takes conservative bias strategy focusing on the news programmes, especially after the 2012 presidential election. JTBC, however, organizes drama and entertainment programmes intensively being equivalent to that of terrestrial broadcasting programmes, and MBN positioned neutral and center with the news and cultural programmes. Referring to the brand architecture, which reveals the structural system of the brand, it is argued that TV Chosun and MBN take the integrated corporate brand strategy, while JTBC tries to mix and balance the brands of the parent corporation and its own independent one. Channel A, exceptionally, doesn't take a name of its parent corporation 'Dong-A'. In conclusion, it is argued that the comprehensive programming channels utilize and take the parent corporate brand, mixed brand, and independent brand in accordance with the brand power and circumstances of their own parent corporates.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.26
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• pp.259-289
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• 2004

In this study, the use of mainstream online news site and alternative online news site were compared in the aspects of users' characteristics, attitude on online news sites, and using pattern. A survey was conducted for 182 mainstream-only users, 46 alternative online news users, and 47 both sites users, Also, their traffic data of online news sites were analyzed during the 16th presidential election. As a result, it was found that both sites users had the highest political interest and the most progressive political position among the user groups. In the aspect of users' attitude, mainstream-only users were most positive to the mainstream online news site and both sires users were most positive and more involved in alternative online news site. But all user groups set higher credibility on alternative online news site than mainstream online news sire. In the comparison of user size, mainstream online news site has larger user size than alternative online site. However, the user royalty, such as time per person, pages per person, and visiting days per person, was lower than that of the latter. These results suggest thar small but differentiated news sires have royal users, and online news users be segmented according to news contents.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.97-111
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• 2015

A preliminary study on the existing attraction effect and compromise effect was started on the experiment studies about product or service and conducted on the empirical studies on things, research trips, staff recruitment process in the research and the actual US presidential election. However most studies have been limited in the theories of the frequency range and no research about combining compromise effect and attraction effect with the types of promotion. The purpose of this study verifies that how attraction effect and compromise effect in the choice option of the choice process for brand varies according to the types of promotion. This study compares the difference of choice of brand between the influence of the attraction effect and compromise effect. The independent variables among the manipulated variables are as follows : (1) Brand choice (attraction effect and compromise effect), (2) Promotion Type (price promotion/non-price promotion). This study was manipulated in between-subjects design and within-subjects design. The results of this study will be able to see the implications for the positioning strategy of offering several new products such as practical dimensions of promotion strategy because the entry of new brands rather increases market share of similar existing brands.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.109-134
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• 2009

This study explores the political parody, which has become an active art form in order to express Korean Internet users' political practices, especially, during the politically turbulent periods from the presidential election of 2003 to the recent candlelight vigil protest of 2008. This study investigates the rise and fall of a parody culture by online users from the mid-2000s, and also examines aesthetical aspects of parodic artworks relying on amateurism culminated in 2004. Specifically, the current study questions an aesthetical lack shown in 'appropriation', by which most of the online users simply produce imitations of original image. This study rather notes 'photomontage' as an aesthetic prototype, the political aesthetics made by John Heartfield, through which this study intends to observe how his aesthetical legacy of political art could be realized in the contemporary form of political parodies produced by online users. The present paper concludes that online users' political participations in producing critical works of art could allow us to negate the dichotomy between the elite and the mass, professional artists and amateur parodists, and a radical politics and the politics of style.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

The current movie world is called the era of faction hot-wind by the continuous hits of faction films. The interpretation of the missing 15 days in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty during Gwang-hae's reign based on one sentence in the record makes 'faction' that there was another king, drives audiences to absorption and imagination in the faction film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King >. Furthermore, this film redefined historical king Gwang-hae as an ambivalent image through Gwang-hae and Ha-sun who filled the role as the king in it. Also, this film was appraised by reviews of reinterpretation of the image of leader who people want and hit success when the film released before the season of the presidential election. This thesis considers 'Faction' which is marked as a new image content and analyzes the film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King > which is listed as Korea's all-time sixth highest grossing film with 12,323,555 tickets sold nationwide by three sections; < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King > as faction film, two images of Gwang-hae, and the appropriateness of film release time. In conclusion, the film < Gwang-hae: The Man Who Became King >. succeeded since it communicated with people to satisfy their wishes and taste. It would be necessary to study and analyze the basic connection between the trend of movies and Strategic elements of the box-office results, and a significant stride for progression of the movies.