• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.499-509
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• 2020

We compared and analyzed the relationship between vote intention, vote expectation, and party approval rate using the 19th Presidential Election and the 7th Nationwide Simultaneous Local Election (Regional Local Government Election) poll data. The case study provides an alternative method of predicting the winner using vote expectation and a party approval rate that can improve the accuracy of election forecasting.

• Survey Research
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.55-69
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• 2008

In most telephone surveys in Korea, telephone numbers are selected from the directories. Inevitably, such samples may lack representativeness due to poor coverage rate. To resolve the problem, Kang et al.(2008) implemented RDD(random digit dialing) method for nationwide sampling in Korea. The aim of this study is to compare an RDD sample with a traditional telephone quota sample that were collected independently by two survey institutes commissioned by the KBS-MBC consortium for the 2007 Presidential Election of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.81-111
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• 2017

This article analyzes three major issues related to regional voting in South Korea. First, is regional voting a regional problem or an ideological problem? Second, is regional voting caused by regional identity or regional interest? Third, has regionalism waxed or waned? Analyses of the cumulative data set since the 15th presidential election yield the following results. First, Yongnam people are more conservative than Honam people. Second, regional voting consists of ideological and regional components. Third, there exist both a hometown effect and an abode effect in regional voting, but the latter is significantly greater than the former. Forth, regionalism had weakened between the 15th National Assembly election and the 16th Presidential election, but has not varied much since then.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.29-54
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• 2018

Focusing on vastly different results between two presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, this paper examines how political attitudes of conservative voters had changed in 5 years and how these changes had brought about differences in their vote choices in 2017. Using panel data encompassing two presidential elections, this paper finds that, though ideological and affective evaluation of conservative parties and candidates had indeed deteriorated among supporters of Park Geun-Hye in 2012, it is candidate factors rather partisan ones that exerted much more significant influence on their vote choices in 2017. In addition it is found that the differentiation in political and economic policy preferences among conservative voters had only slight influence on their voted choices in 2017. This paper concludes with discussing how to understand the result of the $19^{th}$ presidential elections and what implications it has in prospecting the party realignment in Korean electoral politics.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.79-106
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• 2008

Based on the third-person effect hypothesis, this study conducted a nation-wide online survey to assess how Korean voters perceived the mass media's effect on the candidates' image and voting behavior during the 17th presidential election. The research results showed that the voters tended to perceive that the mass media such as newspaper, television and the Internet had a greater effect on others than on themselves with regards to the formation of the three candidates' images. The third-person effect on the voting behavior was also revealed differently in terms of the medium according to age and political tendency of the voters. For instance, the younger and liberal voters were likely to see newspaper as having a greater influence on other voters' choice of candidate, while the older voters saw TV as having a greater effect on other voters. The conservative tendency did not affect the perception of the voters at all. Another noteworthy result was that personal characteristics of the candidates' images such as appearances and communication skills did not affect the voters' behaviors in the election process.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.199-207
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• 2020

Recently, big data analysis has drawn attention in various fields as it can generate value from large amounts of data and is also used to run political campaigns or predict results. However, existing research had limitations in compiling information about candidates at a high-level by analyzing only specific SNS data. Therefore, this study analyses news trends, topics extraction, sentiment analysis, keyword analysis, comment analysis for the 2017 presidential election of South Korea. The results show that various topics had been generated, and online opinions are extracted for trending keywords of respective candidates. This study also shows that portal news and comments can serve as useful tools for predicting the public's opinion on social issues. This study will This paper advances a building strategic course of action by providing a method of analyzing public opinion across various fields.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.95-96
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• 2017

The new president was elected unusually within short period, because of the president's impeachment. As the result, policy window as the president's election was rarely opened in healthcare sector. The new government has to overcome the era of aged society, low birth rate, and low economic growth rate and to prepare the unification of nation. The new government should set the priority of healthcare policies through a holistic and systematic approach. And the new government must implement a balanced healthcare policy with equity and efficiency, regulation and support, consumers and suppliers, in-kind benefits and cash benefits, and so on.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.7-13
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• 2014

Twitter is a microblogging service that allows users to post short messages on a variety of topics in real-time. In this work, we analyze Twitter messages posted during the 2012 elections and find those implications. This study uses Twitter messages related to the 2012 South Korean presidential campaign. The three main candidates are represented by the abbreviations A, M, and P. According to the statistical analysis, the number of tweets and re-tweets for candidate P was relatively stable over the entire campaign period. Candidate P had the highest percentage of terms related to elections pledges, and candidates A and M were judged to be a little bit poorer with respect to campaign promises. The positive terms ratio for candidate P was higher than those for the other two candidates. The negative terms ratio in the Twitter messages of P was considerably smaller than those of candidates A and M. After considering all these results, it is suggested cautiously that Twitter messages posted during an election campaign could be correlated with the outcome of the election.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.77-106
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• 2023

The DPP's victory over the KMT in Taiwan's 2020 elections has been interpreted as a triumph for anti-China sentiment. However, the rise of political outsiders and their influence on voting behavior in this election were overlooked and underestimated. In this article, we examined different sources of data and found that supporters of these political outsiders mentioned sovereignty and cross-Strait issues less than the incumbent Tsai Ing-wen. However, when faced with the choice between Tsai and challenger Han Kuo-yu, voters who were concerned about governance chose Tsai, contributing to her winning a record number of votes. This article suggests that economic and governance issues had a considerable role in the election's result and will probably be the main focus of the 2024 presidential election. With the potential for a conflict in the Taiwan Strait increasing, anti-China sentiment is unlikely to be the deciding factor this time around.