• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.77-97
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to develop and evaluate the sustainable housing teaching-learning process plan aimed to achieve the global SDGs through home economics class in middle school that is based on the ADDIE model. The overall objective of the plan was to contribute to cultivating students' sustainable housing values and to creating sustainable lifestyle through everyday practice. The plan consisting of 4 lessons contained various activity and visual resources(4 individual and 4 team activity sheets, 4 reading texts, 1 homework sheet and 1 evaluation sheet, and 7 videos) for students and (4 sets of ppt and 4 reading texts) for teachers. The theme and team activities of each lesson were related to 2~7 targets of 2~3 SDGs, in total 11 targets of 5 SDGs. The plan was implemented to 4 classes of 127 senior students at Y middle school in Cheongju city during the period from the 29^th of August to the 18^th of September, 2019. The results showed that students were very positive and highly satisfied with not only practical contents but also adequacy of resources and activities of the whole 4-lessons, so that they actively participated in the lessons more than usual and looked forward to learning more about it. They thoroughly enjoyed various team activities such as brain writing, mandal art, visual thinking, making UCC, and planning the sustainable village as well as writing a short reflective journal at the end of each lesson. Students also reported that they highly accomplished the goal of each lesson and the overall objective. It could be concluded that the teaching-learning process plan of 4-lessons could contribute to cultivating students' sustainable housing values and to creating sustainable lifestyle through practicing everyday life. It indicates that home economics is one of the major subjects to contribute to the attainment of global issue of SDGs for OECD education 2030 and to educate the practically acting global citizen.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.69-96
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• 2019

North Korea has conserved operas in a selective manner. The subject matters of operas recorded in the history of North Korea can be divided into classical tales, translated foreign works, Korean War and war against Japan. Operas that adapted folk classics of the 1950s are considered valuable materials to verify the changes of genres posterior to division of regime between North and South Korea. The officially confirmed works include "Kumgangsan Palseonnyeo (Gyeonwoo Jiknyeo)," "Chunhyangjeon." "Kongjwi Patjwi (Kotsin)," "Ondal," and "Geumnaneui Dal." These works had gone through recreation in terms of realistic situation setting, abolition of class difference, adjustment of social rank and punishment of evil while the base lies in the original folk classics. People emphasized in adapted folk operas are described as those who are hard-working souls without giving importance of difference of social rank, content with the currently living space, devoted to their parents and full of patriotic spirit, and members of community who participate in organized fights against unfair exploitation. This was the fruit of encouragement of work creation supporting union between labor and individual life, destruction of old things and fight promoting this destruction. Folk operas of South and North Korea posterior to Korean War have similarities in that both deal with a love story transcending social ranks and the concomitant conflicts and they focus on the audience who enjoy the operas. Nonetheless, they are different in that this love in North Korea became a tool of educating people wished by the regime, while it became an object of securing the audience by adding the tragic element to love in South Korea. North Korean operas of the initial stage are characterized by playwriting method emphasizing difficult life and compensation of common people, realistic stage expression, accentuation of melody and agreement between notes and lyrics. This was efforts designed to continuously lead senses concentrated from the theater to everyday life of people. In effect, this is in line with the playwriting method of revolutionary operas. Adapted folk operas were subject matters ideal for easily approaching the audience and leaving them good memories at the same time. To realize socialist realism, they went through an experiment of reviewing "people" through the classic folk operas. The possibility of continuation of a work was determined by thorough evaluation after carrying out an experiment in terms of subject matters, theme, music and operation plans from the moment of which the work was on the stage. The sign consisted in the possibility of visit of "Kim Il-sung" to appreciate the work and presentation of directionality. By proposing the clear directionality of which hard-working people who deny social status system can be duly compensated, it encouraged the audience who saw the opera to voluntarily put this in practice. Thus, operas established the directionality through selective processes for creating public communion even before revolutionary operas.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.81
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• pp.5-44
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• 2024

This paper is an experience and observation report on the activities of Jeonju citizens, who are 'kleine leutes'. Text or Born-digital materials such as diaries, group chat rooms, memos, and interviews showing citizens' contemporary and daily history (Alltagsgeschichite) were used for this purpose. These civic groups are reading groups we can find easily and they also enjoy walking, hiking, and movies, and so to speak ordinary local people are their members. One team read Choi Myung-hee's "Honbul" for about a year and a half, while another team read several books under the theme of "commons," and enjoyed exploring, exhibiting, or watching movies together. The main text is composed of three parts. First, I looked at the methods and perspectives to examine the daily life of local people. To this end, the views of Detlev Peukert and Alf Lüdtke, who captured the prospects and the possibilities of theories of daily history, and James C. Scott, who provided insight into infra-politics, were reviewed. This work was to find the perspective and method of daily history research that could observe the activities of Jeonju citizens. Second, we looked at the experience of the "Honbool" meeting. The reading of "Honbool" which took place during the period of confrontation with Covid19 began in connection with its intense locality. As the criticism of "a great writer born in our local land" relieved the uncomfortable feelings, the members' critical mind was revealed after Volume3 of "Honbool" and stood out after Volume6. It seemed to show the characteristics of the self-consciousness (Eigensinn) of citizens who choose dynamics rather than being stuck to a specific form of empathy (Betroffenheit). I think it showed the difficulty and hope to face in the description and research of local history at the same time. Third, I observed citizens who gathered on the subject of public land. This meeting showed the actuality and accumulation process of the infra-political capabilities of citizens in Jeonju. Reading-commons did not suffer from 'heart trouble' as a local citizen compared to "Honbool". Rather, the difficulty of related books was an obstacle, and the difficulty was easily resolved. As the meeting progressed, awareness of the commons became more sophisticated and issues and discussions were independently shared with each other, and a wealth of hidden transcripts were accumulated through its practice and problem consciousness. It is difficult to think about modern daily life apart from the capitalist era. More fundamentally, it is here and now in everyday life that humans enjoy or suffer from. All history passes through my body here and now. This is the universality of daily history. It depends on the ability of citizens to create daily history to experience and at the same time maintain the distance of criticism.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.73-109
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• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.

• The Journal of Korean Academy of Sensory Integration
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.47-62
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• 2008

Introduction : Sensory Integration(SI) theory, science it is developed by an occupational therapist A. Jean Ayres, is the one of the most popular frames of reference used in occupational therapy(OT) intervention. It has been proved as a scientific theory especially in neuroscience discipline through abundant research and practice. Occupational therapists apply the SI therapy with strong clinical reasoning to improve adaptive behaviors of their clients and try to link the adaptive behaviors with occupational performance in the clients' everyday life. One of the manners regarding clinical reasoning is Top-down approach. In occupational therapy discipline, Top-down approach is well-reflected within two evaluation tools; Canadian Occupational Performance Measure(COPM) and Assessment of Motor and Process Skills(AMPS) and two models of practice; Canadian Model of Occupational Performance(CMOP) and Occupational therapy intervention process model(OTIPM). Objective : The purpose of this paper demonstrates how SI therapy can be employed within OTIPM and how the OT process (evaluation-intervention-outcome) can be structuralized based on the Top-down approach. This single-case study recognizes the impact of a SI therapy for a male adolescent on his occupational performance. Intervention Examined : "P" was 16 years old male adolescent with no diagnosis and junior of the high school when he was referred. P was always with mouth opened, showed difficulties in gathering things need to be prepared and managing and paying money for shopping, and his colleges dislike getting close to him because he can't was his body well. AMPS was administrated in initial evaluation and reevaluation of P's occupation performance, Bruininks-Oserestky Test of Motor Proficiency-2(BOT-2) was carried out to assess motor functions and perception skills related in sensory integration, and occupational therapist performed clinical observation in order to complement the evaluation quantitatively and quantitatively. Based on the evaluation, it is concluded that the SI therapy is primary means to improve P's occupational performance, and three therapeutic approaches were constructed; restorative, acquired and compensatory approach. P showed improved motor and process skills in occupational performance after undergone the occupational therapy. Conclusions : The sensory integration therapy was practical enough to build the bridge between the occupational performance(Top) and the underlying component problems (Bottom). The OTIPM was helpful to identify meaningful occupation for P and P's family within P's contexts, and the AMPS was valuable to analyze and clarify the cause of difficulties in the chosen occupational performance.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

Malay society is rooted on the Islamic concept. That Islam influenced every corner of that Malay society which had ever been an edge of the civilizations of the Indus and Ganges. Once the letters of that Hindu religion namely Sanscrit was adopted to this Malay society for the purpose of getting the Malay language, that is, Bahasa Melayu down to the practical literation but in vain. The Sanscrit was too complicated for Malay society to imitate and put it into practice in everyday life because it was totally different type of letters which has many of the similar allographs for a sound. In the end Malay society gave it up and just used the Malay language without using any letters for herself. After a few centuries Islam entered this Malay society with taking Arabic letters. It was not merely influencing Malay cultures, but to the religious life according to wide spread of that Islam. Finally Arabic letters was to the very means that Malay language was written by. It means that Arabic letters had been used for Arabic language in former times, but it became a similar form of letters for a new language which was named as Malay language. This Arabic letters for Arabic language has no problems whereas Arabic letters for Malay language has some of it. Naturally speaking, arabic letters was not designed for any other language but just for Arabic language itself. On account of this, there occurred a few problems in writing Malay consonants, just like p, ng, g, c, ny and v. These 6 letters could never be written down in Arabic letters. Those 6 ones were never known before in trying to pronounce by Arab people. Therefore, Malay society had only to modify a few new forms of letters for these 6 letters which had frequently been found in their own Malay sounds. As a result, pa was derived from fa, nga was derived from ain, ga was derived from kaf, ca was derived from jim, nya was derived from tha or ba, and va was derived from wau itself. Where must these 6 newly modified letters be put on this Arabic keyboard? This is the very core of this working paper. As a matter of course, these 6 letters were put on the place where 6 Arabic signs which were scarecely written in Malay language. Those 6 are found when they are used only in the 'shift-key-using-letters.' These newly designed 6 letters were put instead of the original places of fatha, kasra, damma, sukun, tanween and so on. The main differences between the 2 set of 6 letters are this: 6 in Arabic orginal keyboard are only signs for Arabic letters, on the other hand 6 Malay's are real letters. In others words, 6 newly modified Malay letters were substituted for unused 6 Arabic signs in Malay keyboard. This type of newly designed Malay Jawi Script keyboard is still used in Malaysia, Brunei and some other Malay countries. But this sort of keyboard also needs to go forward to find out another way of keyboard system which is in accordance with the alphabetically ordered keyboard system. It means that alif is going to be typed for A key, and zai shall be typed when Z key is pressed. This keyboard system is called 'Malay Jawi-English Rumi matching keyboard system', even though this system should probably be inconvenient for Malay Jawi experts who are good at Arabic 'alif-ba-ta'order.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.125-140
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship of covert narcissism and the sense of alienation with SNS addiction proneness and the influence of them on SNS addiction proneness in order to find a way to conduct an intervention for the SNS addiction proneness of middle school students, and verify the mediating effect of self-esteem on the relationship between covert narcissism, the sense of alienation, and SNS addiction proneness. For this purpose, data were collected online from the first to third grade middle school students who had the experience of using SNS within the past one week, and finally, the data of a total of 341 participants were used for analysis. First, as a result of the analysis of the correlation between covert narcissism, the sense of alienation, self-esteem and SNS addiction proneness, covert narcissism and the sense of alienation showed a significant positive correlation with SNS addiction proneness. On the other hand, there was a significant negative correlation between self-esteem and SNS addiction proneness. Second, the investigation of the effects of covert narcissism, alienation, and self-esteem on SNS addiction proneness showed that covert narcissism, the sense of alienation, and self-esteem had a significant effect on the SNS addiction proneness. The higher the levels of covert narcissism and the sense of alienation, the higher the level of SNS addiction proneness. On the other hand, the higher the level of self-esteem, the lower the level of SNS addiction proneness. Third, the mediating effect of self-esteem was verified for the relationship of covert narcissism and the sense of alienation with SNS addiction proneness. Although covert narcissism and the sense of alienation may directly affect SNS addiction proneness, it was found that they had a significant effect on the SNS addiction proneness through self-esteem as a mediating variable. In other words, it was found that as the levels of the covert narcissism and the sense of alienation were increased, the level of the self-esteem was lowered, which led to a higher level of SNS addiction proneness. In order to form a proper network culture for adolescents, education on appropriate use of SNS that can be put into practice in everyday life should be conducted, and healthy and desirable SNS culture should be created. In addition, systematic education and management should be provided so that students can develop the ability to control and regulate themselves.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.319-357
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• 2014

Formation of 'body schema' is the start for actor to create role and becomes the root and the foundation of existing as a role on the stage. For this, an actor needs to form 'scheme of role' with escaping from own 'body schema.' 'Schema of role' is formed by acquiring through synthesizing daily basic actions, namely, walking, standing, sitting, hand stretching, bending, and touching. The body schema, which was made with simple and usual actions, has fundamental significance in a sense of becoming the body in which the past traces in a role are habituated while energy as a role flows. As for the process of forming body schema, an actor first needs to obtain the visualized materials like photo, magazine, picture and image available for seeing a role specifically and clearly based on what analyzed a character. An actor needs to have three-dimensional image available for always recalling it in the head during acting. To do this, image data available for fundamentally capturing routine actions along with body structure are still more useful. Next, the body schema is formed by interaction with environment. Thus, there is a need of passing through the two-time process of forming body schema. Firstly, the body schema is made on routine actions in a role as physical condition of a role in actor's own everyday life. Secondly, the body schema is made on routine actions available for moving efficiently and economically in line with the environment of performance. A theatrical stage is the temporal space of rhythm and rule different from routine space. What forms body schema immediately in the second phase without body schema in the first phase ultimately becomes what exists as actor's own body, not the body of a role. The body schema, which was formed as the second process, is what truly has identity as a role in the ontological aspect, comes to experience the oppositional force in muscle, a qualitative change in energy, and emotional agitation in the physical aspect, and experiences perception, thinking, volition, and even consciousness with the entire body in the cognitive dimension. Thus, the formation of body schema can be known to be just a method of changing even spiritual and emotional layer. Body schema cannot be made if there is no process of embodiment and habit. Embodiment and habit are not simply the repeated, empty and mechanical action in the body. But, habit itself has very important meanings for forming body schema for role creating. First, habit allows the body itself to learn and understand a meaning. Second, habit relies upon environment, thereby allowing an actor of making the habituated body schema to recognize environment. Third, habit makes the mind. The habituated body schema is just the mind and the ego of a person who possesses the body schema. Fourth, habit comes to experience the expansion in energy and the expansion in existence. It may be experienced through interrelation among actor's body, tool, and environment. Fifth, habit makes identity of the body. Hence, this just becomes what secures identity of a role. These implications of habit are the formation of body schema, which is maintained with the body of being remembered firmly through being closely connected with the process of neural adaptation. Finally, it sought for possibility of practice as one method of forming body schema for role creating through Deleuze's '-becoming' theory. As 'actual animal-becoming' is real '-becoming' of forming structural transformation in the physical dimension, it meets with what the formation of body schema pursues actuality and reality. This was explained with a concept as saying of 'all '-becoming' molecular' by Deleuze/Guattari. 'Animal of having imitated animal's characteristic- becoming' is formed by which the body schema relies upon environment. In this way, relationship among the body, tool and environment has influence even upon a change in consciousness, thinking, and emotion, thereby being able to be useful for forming body schema in a sense of possibly experiencing ultimately expansion in role, namely, expansion in existence.