• 대한토목학회논문집
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• 제26권1C호
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• pp.33-42
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• 2006

우리나라 하천 제방은 유래를 알 수없는 오래 된 것이 많고 당시 공학적 배경 없이 주변에서 손쉽게 얻을 수 있는 재료를 사용하여 제방을 축조하였기 때문에 근본적으로 많은 문제점을 내포하고 있다. 현재에 와서는 제체가 노후화 되고 최근 기상이변으로 인해 제방의 안전이 더욱 크게 위협받으면서 제방단면을 증대시키거나 수리시설을 전폭 재검토하는 등 설계 보완적 측면의 여러 가지 대책방안이 수립되고 있다. 그러나 제방을 신설하거나 기존단면을 보수 또는 단면을 증대함에 있어 재료특성을 제대로 반영하지 못하고 아직도 단편적인 설계기준을 전면 적용하거나 획일적인 다짐 시공관리 기준을 적용하는 정도로 그치는 경우도 있다. 따라서 본 검토에서는 제체의 재료특성에 주안점을 두어 Sherard(1953)가 제안한 균열 및 파이핑 저항등급을 소개, 이를 실제 파이핑이 발생한 국내 하천제방에 적용한 결과를 제시하고 유한요소법에 의한 침투해석을 실시하여 현행 설계기준에 의한 안정검토 결과와 비교해 보았다. 검토결과, 두 방법 모두 파이핑이 발생하는 것으로 평가되었으나 파이핑 저항등급은 다짐의 영향이 고려되어야 하고, 입도기준의 경우 주어진 재료의 입도와 제안된 입도기준과의 일치도를 정량적으로 제시하기 어려운 문제점을 보여 이에 대한 보완이 필요할 것으로 판단되었다.

• 벤처창업연구
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• 제18권5호
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• pp.159-174
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• 2023

본 논문에서는 효과적으로 AI 프로젝트 및 신사업을 선정할 수 있는 방법론을 제안했다. AI 기술은 다양한 산업 분야에서 기업의 비즈니스를 고도화하고 산업 전체의 부가가치를 증대시킬 수 있는 기술이다. 기업가정신 연구 분야에서도 AI 기술은 중요한 소재가 되고 있다. 기업들은 AI 기술을 이용해 새로운 비즈니스를 창업하거나 기존 기업 내에서 신사업을 추진하고 혁신을 추진한다. 그러나 기업에서 AI 프로젝트를 선정하고 추진하는 의사결정 과정에서는 다양한 제약사항과 어려움이 존재한다. 본 논문에서는 모폴로지(Morphology)와 AHP 및 TOPSIS 결합 모형을 통한 AI 프로젝트 선정의 새로운 방법론을 제안한다. 제안 방법론은 AI 기술의 기술적 타당성과 현업의 사용자 요구조건을 동시에 고려하여 AI 프로젝트를 선정할 수 있도록 도와준다. 이 연구에서는 HR 분야의 다수 AI 프로젝트를 결정하고자 하는 실제 기업에 제안 방법론을 적용하고 그 결과를 평가했다. 이를 통해 방법론의 현실 적용 가능성을 확인하였으며, 기업의 AI 프로젝트 관련 의사결정에 유용하게 활용하기 위한 방법을 제시했다. 이 연구에서 제안하는 방법론은 사내 기업가정신(Intrapreneurship) 효과를 증진시키는 차원에서, 기업이 고려하는 여러 AI 프로젝트에 대하여 합리적인 방법으로 선정에 대한 의사결정의 프레임워크를 제시한다는 점에서 의미가 크다.

• 보건교육건강증진학회지
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.133-162
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• 2001

Unexpected accidents in school has been gradually increased every year, and student's mistaken was the first reason of the accident. To preventing the students from Unexpected accidents in school, safety education is more important than having strong facilities to have much more strong protecting forces for the accidents. Therefore, systematic education of safety is needed most of all, and especially, strengthening safety education in school is needed. Hereby, this study is aimed at investigating and analysing the actual condition and demand of safety education. It also conducted a survey with the target of 1,255 students in the second grade of high school in Seoul from April 20 to May 19, and the result of this study is as follows. 1. In the general features of the subject of the survey, boy students and girl students occupied 50.8％ and 49.2％ each, and boys' high school (34.3％), girls' high school(32.2％) and co-ed(33.5％) participated in balance. In the location, north from Han river occupied 54.6％, south were 45.2％. 2. According to the status of experiencing an accident, boys were more experienced then girls(p〈0.05). From the section, home accident(56.8％) occupied most followed by school accident, traffic accident, sports accident and poisoning. The accident happening most often in detailed category is sports accident such as basket ball, foot ball and dodge ball. The actual condition of the subject's using a school health facility shows that boys students use it more often than girl students(p〈0.01) 3. In attitude toward safety, the subject showed lower interest in safety issues than other social issues. But attitude in seriality of safety problems were high. Also, they responded ‘individual citizen’(63.1％) as the one who should make efforts for safety. Regarding knowledge of preventing safety accidents in attitude toward individual safety, 42.2％ answered ‘they know a little’ and 32.6％ of respondents say ‘they do not know’. To a question of the degree of the subject's following safety rules, 36.4％ were answered ‘keeping’ and the group using a school health facility shows more ‘keeping’ the others(p〈0.05). 4. To a question of asking if they have experienced safety education, 51.2％ answered ‘yes’. Teachers who mainly take care of safety education are answered as training teacher(48.7％). As for education time, training class(51.3％) is said to have safety education most followed by health-related event and PE(Physical Education). Frequency of education shows once or twice a session (62.8％) most often, but in case of co-ed school, 5-7times a session or more(20.1％) are being practiced. Looking at education time, 1-2 hour(s)(22.1％) or for a short time(22.1％) during class are being practiced. As an education method, instruction(43.8％) and video education(32.5％) are being practiced, and when it comes to education evaluation method, ‘not practiced’(70.0％) answered. To the question if they are satisfied with school safety education, they answered more ‘no(43.1％)’ than ‘yes(6.7％)’, and the reason is that safety education class is just for formality's sake, and the fact they already know is being repeated. The contents of safety education is composed of school safety, home safety, and first aid. 5. It is turned out that 56.5％ of the total boy students and 61.1％ of the total girl students recognize the necessity of safety education. To the question if safety education is needed in an elementary and middle education course, 46.4％ of the subject answer answered' it's necessary'. The most reason for their answers are ‘safety education is directly related to life’. 6. Regarding the requested time of safety education is ‘one hour a week’ by 55.9％. For safety education, safety education teachers(38.7％) are answered to be the most proper. As a request for safety education, video education is answered to be the most appropriate(30.6％), followed by practical skills, lecture and discussion(p〈0.05). Demand of educational evaluation, practical skills, interview and observation are answered to be needed. To the question if they want to participate in the way of demanded safety education, 41.9％ of respondents answer ‘have a mind to participate in’ (41.9％). To benefits followed by completing safety education, 72.0％ of respondents answer ‘agree’, and 24.7％ ‘do not agree’, which means lout 4 disagrees with completing safety education. 7. Looking at demand of safety education according to the features of the subject, ‘our position for the person who has handicapped’ was answer to the most.

• 한국병원경영학회지
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.135-164
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• 2003

The operating room is the major facility that costs the highest investment per unit area in a hospital. It requires commitment of hospital resources such as manpower, equipments and material. The quantity of these resources committed actually differs from one type of operation to another. Because of this, it is not an easy task to allocate the operating cost to individual clinical departments that share the operating room. A practical way to do so may be to collect and add the operating costs incurred by each clinical department and charge the net cost to the account of the corresponding clinical department. It has been customary to allocate the cost of the operating room to the account of each individual department on the basis of the ratio of the number of operations of the department or the total revenue by each operating room. In an attempt to set up more rational cost allocation method than the customary method, this study proposes a new cost allocation method that calls for itemizing the operation cost into its constituent expenses in detail and adding them up for the operating cost incurred by each individual department. For comparison of the new method with the conventional method, the operating room in the main building of hospital A near Seoul is chosen as a study object. It is selected because it is the biggest operating room in hospital A and most of operations in this hospital are conducted in this room. For this study the one-month operation record performed in January 2001 in this operating room is analyzed to allocate the per-month operation cost to six clinical departments that used this operating room; the departments of general surgery, orthopedic surgery, neuro-surgery, dental surgery, urology, and obstetrics & gynecology. In the new method(or method 1), each operation cost is categorized into three major expenses; personnel expense, material expense, and overhead expense and is allocated into the account of the clinical department that used the operating room. The method 1 shows that, among the total one-month operating cost of 814,054 thousand wons in this hospital, 163,714 thousand won is allocated to GS, 335,084 thousand won to as, 202,772 thousand won to NS, 42,265 thousand won to uno, 33,423 thousand won to OB/GY, and 36.796 thousand won to DS. The allocation of the operating cost to six departments by the new method is quite different from that by the conventional method. According to one conventional allocation method based on the ratio of the number of operations of a department to the total number of operations in the operating room(method 2 hereafter), 329,692 thousand won are allocated to GS, 262,125 thousand won to as, 87,104 thousand won to NS, 59,426 thousand won to URO, 51.285 thousand won to OB/GY, and 24,422 thousand won to DS. According to the other conventional allocation method based on the ratio of the revenue of a department(method 3 hereafter), 148,158 thousand won are allocated to GS, 272,708 thousand won to as, 268.638 thousand won to NS, 45,587 thousand won to uno, 51.285 thousand won to OB/GY, and 27.678 thousand won to DS. As can be noted from these results, the cost allocation to six departments by method 1 is strikingly different from those by method 2 and method 3. The operating cost allocated to GS by method 2 is about twice by method 1. Method 3 makes allocations of the operating cost to individual departments very similarly as method 1. However, there are still discrepancies between the two methods. In particular the cost allocations to OB/GY by the two methods have roughly 53.4% discrepancy. The conventional methods 2 and 3 fail to take into account properly the fact that the average time spent for the operation is different and dependent on the clinical department, whether or not to use expensive clinical material dictate the operating cost, and there is difference between the official operating cost and the actual operating cost. This is why the conventional methods turn out to be inappropriate as the operating cost allocation methods. In conclusion, the new method here may be laborious and cause a complexity in bookkeeping because it requires detailed bookkeeping of the operation cost by its constituent expenses and also by individual clinical department, treating each department as an independent accounting unit. But the method is worth adopting because it will allow the concerned hospital to estimate the operating cost as accurately as practicable. The cost data used in this study such as personnel expense, material cost, overhead cost may not be correct ones. Therefore, the operating cost estimated in the main text may not be the same as the actual cost. Also, the study is focused on the case of only hospital A, which is hardly claimed to represent the hospitals across the nation. In spite of these deficiencies, this study is noteworthy from the standpoint that it proposes a practical allocation method of the operating cost to each individual clinical department.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제6권
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• pp.89-130
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• 1993

Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

• 한국수학교육학회지시리즈A:수학교육
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.48-73
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• 1986

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only 'true letters' (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that, if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the 'Enlightenment Period' changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as 'Sanhak-Kyemong', 'Yanghwi-Sanpup' and 'Sangmyung-Sanpup'. King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of king who took anyone with the mathematic talent into government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics perse and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the king. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China or Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In 'Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period' which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of Kings Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for. the rapid increase of he number of such technocrats as mathematics, astronomy and medicine. Amid these social changes, the Jung-in mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics perse beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the 'Enlightenment Period' in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditional Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was hanged into the Western style and the Western mathematics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the Schools of various levels. Thus the 'Enlightenment Period' is the period in which Korean mathematics shifted from Chinese into European.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.91-105
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• 1985

Though the tradition of Korean mathematics since the ancient time up to the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century had been under the influence of the Chinese mathematics, it strove to develop its own independent of Chinese. However, the fact that it couldn't succeed to form the independent Korean mathematics in spite of many chances under the reign of Kings Sejong, Youngjo, and Joungjo was mainly due to the use of Chinese characters by Koreans. Han-gul (Korean characters) invented by King Sejong had not been used widely as it was called and despised Un-mun and Koreans still used Chinese characters as the only "true letters" (Jin-suh). The correlation between characters and culture was such that , if Koreans used Han-gul as their official letters, we may have different picture of Korean mathematics. It is quite interesting to note that the mathematics in the "Enlightenment Period" changed rather smoothly into the Western mathematics at the time when Han-gul was used officially with Chinese characters. In Koryo, the mathematics existed only as a part of the Confucian refinement, not as the object of sincere study. The mathematics in Koryo inherited that of the Unified Shilla without any remarkable development of its own, and the mathematicians were the Inner Officials isolated from the outside world who maintained their positions as specialists amid the turbulence of political changes. They formed a kind of Guild, their posts becoming patrimony. The mathematics in Koryo is significant in that they paved the way for that of Chosun through a few books of mathematics such as "Sanhak-Kyemong, "Yanghwi - Sanpup" and "Sangmyung-Sanpup." King Sejong was quite phenomenal in his policy of promotion of mathematics. King himself was deeply interested in the study, createing an atmosphere in which all the high ranking officials and scholars highly valued mathematics. The sudden development of mathematic culture was mainly due to the personality and capacity of King who took any one with the mathematic talent onto government service regardless of his birth and against the strong opposition of the conservative officials. However, King's view of mathematics never resulted in the true development of mathematics per se and he used it only as an official technique in the tradition way. Korean mathematics in King Sejong's reign was based upon both the natural philosophy in China and the unique geo-political reality of Korean peninsula. The reason why the mathematic culture failed to develop continually against those social background was that the mathematicians were not allowed to play the vital role in that culture, they being only the instrument for the personality or politics of the King. While the learned scholar class sometimes played the important role for the development of the mathematic culture, they often as not became an adamant barrier to it. As the society in Chosun needed the function of mathematics acutely, the mathematicians formed the settled class called Jung-in (Middle-Man). Jung-in was a unique class in Chosun and we can't find its equivalent in China of Japan. These Jung-in mathematician officials lacked tendency to publish their study, since their society was strictly exclusive and their knowledge was very limited. Though they were relatively low class, these mathematicians played very important role in Chosun society. In "Sil-Hak (the Practical Learning) period" which began in the late 16th century, especially in the reigns of King Youngjo and Jungjo, which was called the Renaissance of Chosun, the ambitious policy for the development of science and technology called for the rapid increase of the number of such technocrats as mathematicians inevitably became quite ambitious and proud. They tried to explore deeply into mathematics per se beyond the narrow limit of knowledge required for their office. Thus, in this period the mathematics developed rapidly, undergoing very important changes. The characteristic features of the mathematics in this period were: Jung-in mathematicians' active study an publication, the mathematic studies by the renowned scholars of Sil-Hak, joint works by these two classes, their approach to the Western mathematics and their effort to develop Korean mathematics. Toward the "Enlightenment Period" in the late 19th century, the Western mathematics experienced great difficulty to take its roots in the Peninsula which had been under the strong influence of Confucian ideology and traditional Korean mathematic system. However, with King Kojong's ordinance in 1895, the traditonal Korean mathematics influenced by Chinese disappeared from the history of Korean mathematics, as the school system was changed into the Western style and the Western matehmatics was adopted as the only mathematics to be taught at the schools of various levels. Thus the "Enlightenment Period" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.od" is the period in which Korean mathematics sifted from Chinese into European.pean.

• 한국가정과교육학회지
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.63-77
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• 2006

본 연구는 제7차 교육과정의 중학교 기술 가정 교과 중 의생활 단원을 세부영역으로 분류하여, 각 세부영역별 학습자의 수업만족도와 필요도를 조사하고, 교과서에 제시되어 있는 활동과제의 학습 유형 및 활용도를 조사하여 교과내용 개선을 위한 기초 자료를 제공하고자 하였다. 조사대상은 수도권 소재 중학교 3학년에 재학중인 남학생 169명과 여학생 336명으로 총 505명으로 하였다. 본 조사에서 수집된 자료는 SPSS 12.0 for Windows Program을 사용하여 분석하였다. 조사대상자들의 인구 통계적 특성과 활동과제의 활용도는 빈도와 백분율로 산출하였으며, 세부영역별 수업만족도와 교과내용의 필요도. 교과내용의 적절성과 교수방법, 교수매체의 활용, 활동과제를 하고 난 후의 느낌의 차이를 알아보기 위해서 기술통계 또는 t-test, 일원변량분석(one-way ANOVA)을 실시하였고, 일원변량분석(one-way ANOVA)의 사후검증을 위해서는 Duncan의 다중 범위 검증(Duncan's Multiple Range Test)을 실시하였다. 분석결과, 첫째, 기술 가정 교과서의 의생활 단원 세부영역별 수업만족도는 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 세부영역에 따른 교과내용의 필요도는 의복재료 영역이 가장 낮은 필요도를 보였으며, 나머지 영역들은 보통 이상의 필요도를 보였다. 전체적으로 남학생보다 여학생이 교과내용에 대한 필요성을 더 느끼는 것으로 나타났다. 가사노동의 참여 여부에 따라서는 실생활에 적용가능한 부분에서 유의한 차이를 보였다. 셋째, 교과내용의 적절성에 관련하여 남 녀 모두 교과내용이 흥미롭지 않다고 응답하였으며, 의생활 단원의 실험 실습을 학생들이 어려워하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 교수방법에 대해서는 '교과서를 읽어나가고 설명하는 방법에 의해 수업이 진행되었다'는 응답이 많아 앞으로 다양한 교수방법과 교수매체의 활용이 이루어져야 한다고 생각된다. 넷째, 교과서의 활동과제 활용도는 낮은 것으로 나타났으며, 발견탐구 학습이 가장 많이 활용한 것으로 나타났으며 협동학습은 전혀 활용하지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 영역별로 활용한 활동과제의 유형은 옷차림 영역의 활용도가 가장 활용도가 높았으며, 의복구성의 활동과제 활용도가 제일 낮게 나타났다.

• 한국게임학회 논문지
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.11-20
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• 2004

80, 90년대의 영화에서만 보아오던 가상현실이 과학 및 컴퓨터 기술의 비약적인 발전을 바탕으로 우리에게 가까이 다가오고 있다. 다양한 가상현실 시스템 (VRML, HMD, FishTank, Wall Type, CAVE Type)의 개발과 함께 그 시스템의 발전으로 더욱 현실감 있는 가상현실 구현이 가능해지고 있다. 몰입감이 높은 가상 현실은 이로써 사람들이 일상적으로 경험하기 어려운 환경을 직접 체험하지 않고서도 그 환경에 들어와 있는 것처럼 보여주고 조작할 수 있게 해주는 것이다. 가상현실의 응용분야로는 교육, 고급 프로그래밍, 원격조작, 원격위성 표면탐사, 탐사자료 분석, 과학적 가시화(scientific visualization)등을 들 수 있다. 구체적인 예로서, 탱크 및 항공기의 조종법 훈련, 가구의 배치 설계, 수술 실습, 게임 등 다양하다. 이런 가상현실 시스템에서는 인간 참여자의 실제조작과 가상 작업공간이 하드웨어로 상호 연결된다. 이렇게 상호 연결된 하드웨어로 인간의 오감을 적절하게 자극하여 몰입감을 더하여 준다. 아직 많은 부분이 모자라지만 많은 연구와 노력으로 빠른 시간 안에 거의 인간이 느낄 수 있는 느낌을 가상현실에서도 현실과 같이 느낄 수 있을 것이다. 이 논문에서는 가상현실시스템의 기본적인 정의와 개념 그리고 종류를 알아보고 그 중에서 몰입감이 뛰어난 CAVE형의 가상현실시스템에 대하여 개념분석을 하였고 다음으로 2003년 KISTI(한국과학기술정보연구원)에서 만들어진 경복궁(문화 원형 Content)을 가상현실시스템에서 복원 과정을 Design process를 거쳐 제작되는 과정을 통해 가상현실시스템에서의 VR프로그래밍 방법과 모델링 방법을 제시하였다. 이러한 과정을 통해 몰입형 가상현실 시스템의 활용성에 대해 알아보았고 지금 시점에서 이러한 CAVE형 가상현실 시스템의 활용방안에 대하여 연구해 보았다. 끝으로 가상현실시스템을 활용한 문화재 복원 과정에서 나타난 문제점에 대하여 서술 하고 가상 현실 시스템의 활용 방안을 제시한다.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제50권6호
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• pp.96-109
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• 2022

본 연구는 도시재생사업에서 핵심전략으로서 조경의 역할과 존재 가치를 세부사업 유형별로 확인하고자 출발하였고 도시재생 활성화계획의 추진과정에서 나타난 조경의 참여 양상과 특성을 파악하여 그 증진 방안을 모색하고자 하였다. 도시재생사업이 추진된 2017년부터 2019년까지의 뉴딜사업 중 공원, 정원, 조경, 쉼터, 숲, 녹화, 식재, 꽃 등의 용어가 사업내용에 포함된 총 822개소를 대상으로 유형별 사업에서 조경의 참여 현황과 선행연구 분석, 문헌조사, 활성화 계획보고서, 사업주체별 인터뷰 등 통합적 접근 방법을 적용하였으며, 사업유형에 따른 조경의 참여 양상과 특성을 구분하여 도표화하였다. 도시재생사업에서 조경적 특성을 사업유형에 따라 하드웨어적 또는 소프트웨어적 참여방식으로 분석한 결과, 사업의 추진과정에서 확인된 조경의 참여 양상과 증진방안은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 도시재생에서 조경의 역할과 참여 양상은 도시재생사업의 유형에 따라 각각 다르게 나타났다. 사업의 유형별 전제 조건과 사업의 추진 주체, 사업별 재생전략의 방향 및 차별성, 주민의 참여도 등이 복합적으로 작용하고 있어 조경의 참여 행위가 변화된 의미와 역할로 변화, 확대되고 있었다. 둘째, 도시재생사업에서 조경의 확대된 참여방식의 변화와가치는 사업의 추진과정에서 다의적이고 복합적인 특성으로 나타났는데 이는 고전적 의미로 조경 가치가 사업유형에 따라 실체적 양상이 변화되어 나타나고 있음을 알 수 있다. 셋째, 본 연구를 통해 도시재생에서활용될수있는재생의 전략적, 실천적 수단으로서 '조경'의 역할과 가치 인식에 대한 중요성을 확인하였다. 따라서 조경의 참여 증진을 위해서는 형태와 장소(form & place)적 측면의 공원 조성 등 하드웨어적 사업위주의 참여에서 사업별 도시재생 전략에 따른 참여방식의 변화를 통한 다양화가 요구된다. 아울러 소프트웨어적 사업의 과정(process)적 측면에서도 체험 및 활동프로그램으로 주민들 간 공동체 의식함양에 중요한 매개체 역할을 하는 조경의 참여가 필요하다. 본 연구는 도시재생사업 추진의 주체로 조경의 역할이 확대되고 있음을 실체적으로 파악하고, 그 증진 방향을 제시했다는 것에서 의의를 찾을 수 있으며, 향후 도시재생의 계획과 실천적 영역에서 조경적 특성을 활용한 참여와 연구가 지속되어야 할 것이다.