• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.17
• /
• pp.151-171
• /
• 2004

TAKAHASHI Toru (1878-1967) was one of the most significant Koreanologists in Japanese academic field. He was a professor of Kyeongseong Imperial University in the prewar period and Tenri University (department of Korean studies) in the postwar period. He was majored in Korean intellectual history and literature. His achievements, especially on Korean Confucianism and Buddhism, are still referred and influential. He wrote two pamphlets published by department of education of the Government-General of Korea in 1920. This year was a year after of 3.1 Independent Demonstration. This riot might have demanded Japanese governors to survey about Korean mentality and characteristics. One of outcomes was Chousenjin (Korean People). The pamphlet tried to explain the Korean character in the perspective of a essentialism in Korean race. The other was a simple outline about history of Korean religions entitled Chousen shukyoushi ni arawaretaru sinkou no tokushoku (The characteristics of faith in the history of Korean religions). He explained that Korean religions, especially its Buddhism, were easily influenced by political condition. These pamphlets seemed to be typically colonialistic, since such negative characteristics of Korean made Japanese colonial rule legitimated as the Mission of civilization and enlightenment. His discourses synchronized with the desire of Japanese Imperialism. This article attempted to analyze his discourses in the perspective of postcolonial critics and sociology of knowledge.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.40 no.5 s.110
• /
• pp.473-490
• /
• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• Women's Studies Review
• /
• v.27 no.1
• /
• pp.73-109
• /
• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.37-74
• /
• 2009

This research is an attempt to investigate cultural identity at the international level. Asia is one of the weakest communities in the world due to discrepancies in terms of political, economic, social and cultural aspects. Additionally, Asia has never been independent in communication flows since imperialist history until the Korean wave emerged at the turn of this century. The Korean wave reflects complex power embedded in postcolonial world in addition to cultural commonality among Asian audiences. I have conducted audience researches on Korean drama fandom in Japan and China. I adopt Lacanian psychoanalysis in order to interpret identity issues of Asian media audiences. Particularly, Deleuze and Guattari's theories are useful to scrutinize group identity of Asian community. Additionally, I refer to theories of nationalism.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.20
• /
• pp.113-148
• /
• 2010

This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.1
• /
• pp.71-92
• /
• 2003

This study examined the condition of an educational discourse, relating the concept of creativity, culture, culture-centered, and critical thinking, to explore Culture-based Art Education(CBAE). In particular, art education practice was examined using interpretations of creativity and critical theory positions from the field of education. Discourse analysis was used as the research method to contextually situate and analyze the ways in which art education theory and practice of creativity and of critical studies encoded meanings. The study helped build an understanding that creativity was formed as a modernist discourse in the humanistic stance. In education, creativity became the fundamental concern for progressive educators who pursued innate ability of individuals. The way to enhance creative potential of students was to induce their motive, as was the same case in art education, while in artist training, free expression was its main method. In this way, as creativity was intimately connected with the concept of expression, in art education art making is the only course for enhancing creativity. However, because creative process cannot intelligently be regarded as logically distinct from the creative product, and creativity can only be said by product, it seems valid to think that creativity is the quality not to be achieved by teaching. Furthermore, its emphasis on art making resulted in unbalance of art making and art appreciation in art education. It was the late sixties when several alternatives for creative education were made their appearance. Critical studies in art adopted critical theory as its theoretical background has developed as an alternative of creative art education, when research and theory for creativity could not be adequate to deal with the problem of practice. Critical theory is a broad and diverse field of theory and practice drawing on aspects of the modernist perspective of the later Frankfurt School, feminism, Freirean pedagogy, postcolonial discourse as well as postmodernism to construct a practical approach to education. It is very this eclectic nature to provide the mosaic that need to experience cultures from different perspectives in a pluralistic society. Because one's personality is formed by multiple aspects of culture which is very complex and is made up of what we do and value, creativity cannot make part of educational discourse with the philosophy of culture centered. On the other hand, critical studies, as a school art program of critical theory, can perform the role of CBAE, because it would have to deal with the investigation of social and cultural issues form multiple personal, local, national, and global perspectives.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.51 no.3
• /
• pp.455-472
• /
• 2016

This paper aims to theoretically discuss the re-conceptualization of the school geography curriculum towards global citizenship education. To achieve this goal, post-structural global citizenship is introduced as an alternative notion of global citizenship by revealing some limits of the existing postcolonial global citizenship studies for global justice. Based upon Carr's(1996) idea of curriculum typology, three major curriculum perspectives are theoretically evaluated to see if they implicitly or explicitly undermine the citizenship of global 'others' ethically and politically. Post-structuralist ideas are then suggested as an alternative approach. With reference to this standpoint, this paper concludes by providing practical implications for a more just school geography curriculum towards global citizenship.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.191-221
• /
• 2014

South Sumatra's capital, Palembang, has long maintained a river-oriented transportation system. With road transportation's increased importance for exploiting natural resources, however, hundreds of roads have been constructed since the Dutch colonial period. This article examines how the construction of roads and bridges affected people's lives and social networks in Palembang, and what social and political significance it has in the context of a region in the postcolonial Indonesia, with a focus on the huge river called the Musi River, which horizontally crosses the city. After independence, there has been strong aspiration to link these two parts by road, and in 1965 the Musi Bridge (then the Sukarno Bridge) over the river was eventually opened. The construction of the bridge apparently initiated socioeconomic transformations and development in the region, including Ulu (the southern river bank)'s rapid urbanization. However, the features of regional development actually were prerequisites for "national" development. The regional development was impossible without financial support from the central government, and the local or regional aspiration for development was often supported only when it fitted with national envision. The Musi Bridge was a model case that fitted with such national envision. While it was the symbol of regional development, it was also celebrated as an exemplary sign of "national" development, by both Sukarno's government and Suharto's New Order regime. By analyzing the discussions and discourses regarding the Musi project since early 1950s, in addition to its social and economic impact after the construction, this article explores the continuities and changes in the roles and significance of the (construction of the) Musi Bridge with the changing political backstops in both regimes. Together with it, this article also aims to reexamine the interplay between "the national" and "the regional" in the prevalent aspiration for the national and regional "development" throughout the 1950s and 1960s.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.5-59
• /
• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.42
• /
• pp.505-524
• /
• 2016

This study examines the ways District 9, a film released in 2009, reworks the sci-fi genre to explore the human encounter with "other" alien populations. Like Avatar, released in the same year, District 9 addresses the tropes of conflict over land and human-alien hybridity and introduces non-humans and aliens, not as invaders, but as objects of human oppression and cruelty. Unlike many other science fiction films where the encounter between humans and non-humans occurs in an unidentifiable future time and location, District 9 crosses genre barriers to engage with urban realism, producing a social critique of contemporary urban population problems. The arrival of aliens in District 9 occurs as part of the recorded human past and the film's action is carried out in the present time in the specifically identified city of Johannesburg. A distinctly anti-Hollywood film that locates the action at the street level, District 9 plays out human anxieties about contact with others by referencing the divisions and conflicts historically attached to South Africa's sprawling metropolis and its current problems of urban poverty and illegal immigrants. Focusing on how this particular urban setting frames the film, the study investigates the ways Blomkamp's sci-fi film about extra-terrestrials presents a curious postcolonial mix of aliens and immigrants surviving in abject conditions in an urban slum and forces a realistic examination of the contemporary social problems faced by South Africa's largest city and by extension other major global cities. The paper also examines the film's representation of the human-alien hybrid and its potential as a force to resist human exploitation of the other. It also claims that though the setting is highly local, District 9 speaks to a wider global audience by making obvious the exploitative practices of profit-seeking multinationals. A sci-fi film that is keen on making a social commentary on urban population conflicts, District 9 resonates with the wider sense of insecurity and fear of others that form the horizon of the uncertain and potentially violent contemporary human world.