• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.131-156
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• 2018

This paper is mainly an attempt to approach and rethink regionalism and regional organizations, as a new political phenomenon of our modern world politics, by focusing on the way regime types influence the identity building of Maghreb Arab Unionregional organization in North Africa. The focus of this paper will be on the importance of domestic politics as a non-conventional way of studying regionalism. And unlike many studies of regionalism, generally emphasized by realists and liberalists that focus either on security or economy as an outcome of the old regionalism paradigm, this paper will emphasize domestic politics as a guiding line to understand the regional one.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.21-29
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• 2012

The popularity of the Internet has affected international politics in many ways; however, it is seemingly overlooked by most scholars, and in particular, realists who view the Internet as low-politics. This article argues that the impact of the Internet on international politics should not be underestimated. By focusing on the capabilities of the Internet in general and P2P networks in particular, this paper shows how the Internet is able to disseminate soft power resources. This is demonstrated by an examination of the dissemination of Japanese soft power resources through BitTorrent. Finally, it is concluded that the Internet is a plausible agent for distributing the resources of soft power; however, once disseminated, soft power resources do not always transform into soft power. In the end, contextual conditions within states always apply.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.9-29
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.271-294
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• 2017

Despite a huge amount of foreign assistance and close economic guidance by international donors throughout the past decades, Zambia today still suffer from a high level of aid dependency and the absence of sustainable economic development. In this study, I investigate the factors that resulted in aid (and development) failure in Zambia, focusing on institutional/historical contexts. I propose that in Zambia, government has largely failed to implement (or even produce) effective economic policies that could lead to successful use of foreign assistance for long-term, sustainable development. In particular, I focus on the nature of state and politics in Zambia, and argue that failed politics is one of the main causes of development and aid failure in Zambia and highlight colonial legacies and other contextual/institutional factors to understand the nature of politics and state in Zambia. In particular, this paper proposes that the Zambian case demonstrates that foreign aid and donor influence could worsen the situation directly by simply providing wrong guidance and also by further weakening the state (and institutional) capacity of the recipient country.

• Development and Reproduction
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.321-326
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• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to critique the links between science and scientific researchers, politics and capital surrounding vaccines and vaccination in a pandemic era. It also introduces standards for adapting ethical guidelines for research under public health emergencies to specific circumstances and contexts. It also introduces ethical standards to be applied to scientific research. that is, scientific relevance, social value, cooperative partnerships, reasonable risk-benefit costs, fair and voluntary participation, independent review, and equal moral respect for participants and affected communities. It also outlines the COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pandemic-consent and other research procedure modifications proposed by Oregon Health and Science University (OHSU). We are on the lookout for powerful capital and hegemonic groups inseparable from politics and important decision makers in the pandemic era - that is, scientists, supporters, and scientific civic groups. It underscores the need for an independent and formal scientific advisory body with the right balance between science and politics.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.189-195
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• 2024

The issue "Exploring Social Media and Other Crucial Success Elements of Attitude towards Politics and Intention for Voting in Pakistan" is a huge study embracing more issues. The politics of Pakistan is basically the politics of semantic groups. Pakistan is a multilingual state more than six languages. There are 245 religious parties in Pakistan, as elaborated by the Daily Times research. The use of social media sites in Pakistan peaked to its maximum after announcement of election schedule by the Election Commission of Pakistan in March 22, 2013. Most of the political parties used it for the recent elections in Pakistan to promote their agenda and attract country's 80 million registered electors. This study was aiming to investigate the role of social media and other critical variables in the attitude towards politics and intention for voting.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.599-619
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• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2012