• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.148-168
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• 2020

In April, 2020, amid widespread fear of a second wave of infections of the novel coronavirus in China, local authorities in Guangzhou cracked down on the city's black population, resulting in mass evictions of Africans. The incident raises several questions about racism in China. How should we interpret this heavy-handed treatment of black people? Was this an isolated incident? What motivated such operations? In this article, I explain social control of Guangzhou's African communities as a problem of municipal politics. What underlies the government's heavy handed approach, I argue, are those communities' ties to rurality, which constitute a roadblock in the city's urban upgrade. Using Dengfeng Village, one of the best known African communities in China, as a case study, I show that efforts to upgrade the area by the local state and the real estate industry were frustrated by the community's status as an urban village. Africans, whom Chinese have historically associated with rurality, are seen as contributing to a space that has long been stigmatized as a spatial manifestation of rural people's lack of self-discipline. To better reveal the interconnection between social control and urban politics, I place official action in context of the history of the community's formation and the lived experience. This analysis of Dengfeng applies to various extents to other major African communities in Guangzhou.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.171-199
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• 2012

Saman, a novel written by Ayu Utami, has been recognized as the symbol of the politico-social changes, which began to occur since the collapse of Suharto' New Order regime in 1998. In the novel, Ayu Utami showed the spirits of resistance against various absurd socio-political circumstances during the New Order era such as pressure on discussion, abuse of power, politics-business collusion, patriarchism, and suppression of gender. In representing those spirits, Ayu Utami used unconventional structure-making, fresh feedback and multilayered descriptions of the figures, which brought her a fame as the pioneer of the Fragrant Literature (Angkatan Wangi or chick-lit). Ayu Utami particularly criticized that, under the name of sustaining the national integrity and identity, the New Order regime enhanced patriarchal system, which consequently infringed gender equality and women's rights to self-determination. In addition, Ayu Utami argued that the abuse of power and politics-business collusion, which were prevalent during the New Order period, destroyed lives of the masses and the Indonesian society.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.33-57
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• 2019

After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• 제56권4호
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• pp.597-618
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• 2010

This paper discusses American disability theater's representations of disability identity and disability identity politics. Dramatists John Belluso and Lynn Manning, among others, present characters with disabilities who experience oppressions at multiple, interlocking levels of domination on the basis of disability, race, and ethnicity. In Manning's Shoot, the black, blind hero iterates episodes in which he experienced discrimination and insults in encounters with whites who used derogatory racist words or belittled him and with some school children who taunted him for just being blind. This play, as in Manning's solo performance, Weights, presents narratives of a blind person traversing multiple locations of oppression in "a long litany of losses" in a white-dominated and ableist society. Belluso's Gretty Good Time similarly weaves together stories of disabled women, Gretty and Hideko, who bond together to resist the dominant ideology that reduces them into titillating commodities of mass consumption. Hideko's story serves the two-fold function of both affirming the specificity of her individual experience as an ethnic other and espousing the communal experience of stigmatization she shares with other disabled women like Gretty. In these plays, the intersection of the identity categories of disability, race, and ethnicity highlights the diversity of the body and the fluidity of boundaries, foregounding the specificity of disabled bodies, while at the same time overthrowing the hierarchical binarism between disabled and "normal" bodies.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제16권11호
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• pp.240-252
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• 2016

The purposes of this paper examines the extant to which congruence in leader and follower rating of LMX quality is related to organizational commitment, and perceptions of organizational politics(POPs). A conceptual model is introduced that identifies four combinations of leader and follower LMX ratings of Cogliser et al.(2009): balanced/low LMX(low leader and follower LMX), balanced/high LMX(high leader and follower LMX), follower overestimation(low leader LMX/high follower LMX), follower underestimation(high leader LMX/low follower LMX). The summary of results based on a sample of 236 matched pairs of leaders and followers in KOREA is as follows: First, balanced/high LMX and follower overestimation were associated with relatively high levels of affective organizational commitment, and perceptions of organizational politics. However, follower underestimation and balanced/low LMX was related to low levels of follower outcomes. In particular, follower underestimation and balanced/low LMX were significantly different from balanced/high LMX and follower overestimation. Second, perceptions of organizational politics was negatively related to affective organizational commitment in the four LMX relationship types. Especially, the negative relationship between POPs and organizational commitment was stronger for people who are low as compared with high in LMX quality. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings as well as directions for future research are provided.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.340-349
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• 2011

This research analyzes the 4P(Police-Press-Politics-Public) model for establish an ideal relationship between press and police and suggests some practical policies. Through the examination of the relations among 4Ps(Police-Press-Politics-Public), Jean-Louis Loubet Del Bayle proposes 3 models from three aspets : exchange of information, relation of power, relation of legitimacy. The analysis of his models shows that politics and public give social and political legitimacy to police and press which, based on the legitimacy, thereby obtain necessary informations from external entities to fulfil their original functions. On the other hand, the inevitable relation of press and police with politics and public caused from their social functions, in turn, makes the relationship between press and police more complicated and delicate. This research concludes, the relationship between police and press should be well balanced for their successful social functions and benefits of the public. To this end, this study suggests that a specific press guideline which is imposed on press and police, must be prepared and that a specialized press office must be established in the police.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

Functional Magnetic Resonance Angiography (fMRA) was a technoscientific innovation that allows scientists to directly view the changes made in the blood vessels of a brain. fMRA was first developed at Neuroscience Research Institute (NRI) in Korea. fMRA mainly utilizes 7 Tesla MRI technology, and NRI is equipped with the instrument. First article on fMRA was published in 2008, and two more papers in 2010 and 2012 consecutively had been published on the newly developed technique. However, fMRA is a competitive technology with existing fMRI. Both techniques capture microvascular changes in a brain, and by doing it, both techniques visualize the cognitive and affective changes. fMRI technology was introduced by Seiji Ogawa in the early 1990's and has been widely used since then. In contrast, fMRA was a newer technology and rather unknown. Developers of fMRA in NRI used series of signifiant-politics in order to make it better known to scientific community as well as public. By resetting the boundaries of existing concept of fMRI, they tried to lower the threshold of a new concept/technique. This case study shows how technoscientists use semiotic strategies governing new technology.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제36호
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• 제48권4호
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• pp.59-89
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• 2017

Changes in the public welfare attitudes are very important to the welfare politics and policy. Considering that variability of public welfare attitudes has been ignored in previous studies, we analyzed welfare attitudes changes at individual level in Korea. Using the longitudinal data from the Additional Survey of 2010/2013/2016 Korea Welfare Panel Survey, we analyzed the changes in public welfare attitudes during 2010th-2016th years. Major findings are as follows. First, one of the findings from analysis is that the public welfare attitudes are very active and dynamic in Korea. This finding is contradiction to the results of the previous researches that are point to the stability or inertia of the public welfare attitudes in western welfare states and also in Korea. Second, occurrences of the welfare attitudes change are related with various individual characteristics; income status, occupation status, age, region, sex, political ideology, etc. These results from this study on the welfare attitudes change suggest that dynamics of the Korea welfare politics in recent years reflected the dynamic changes in public welfare attitudes. And, they suggest that Korea welfare politics are transformed from the traditional classes welfare politics to the new welfare politics which are influenced by various interests of the socio-demographic groups.